Dismantling Power:
The Zapatista Indigenous Presidential Candidate’s Vision to Transform Mexico from Below
May the Earth Tremble at Its Core
by Zapatista Army for National Liberation
Counterpunch - November 9, 2016
To the people of the world:
To the free media:
To the National and International Sixth:
Convened for the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the National Indigenous Congress and the living resistance of the originary peoples, nations, and tribes of this country called Mexico, of the languages of Amuzgo, Binni-zaá, Chinanteco, Chol, Chontal de Oaxaca, Coca, Náyeri, Cuicateco, Kumiai, Lacandón, Matlazinca, Maya, Mayo, Mazahua, Mazateco, Mixe, Mixteco, Nahua, Ñahñu, Ñathô, Popoluca, Purépecha, Rarámuri, Tlapaneco, Tojolabal, Totonaco, Triqui, Tzeltal, Tsotsil, Wixárika, Yaqui, Zoque, Chontal de Tabasco, as well as our Aymara, Catalán, Mam, Nasa, Quiché and Tacaná brothers and sisters, we firmly pronounce that our struggle is below and to the left, that we are anticapitalist and that the time of the people has come—the time to make this country pulse with the ancestral heartbeat of our mother earth.
It is in this spirit that we met to celebrate life in the Fifth National Indigenous Congress, which took place on October 9-14, 2016, in CIDECI-UNITIERRA, Chiapas. There we once again recognized the intensification of the dispossession and repression that have not stopped in the 524 years since the powerful began a war aimed at exterminating those who are of the earth; as their children we have not allowed for their destruction and death, meant to serve capitalist ambition which knows no end other than destruction itself. That resistance, the struggle to continue constructing life, today takes the form of words, learning, and agreements. On a daily basis we build ourselves and our communities in resistance in order to stave off the storm and the capitalist attack which never lets up. It becomes more aggressive everyday such that today it has become a civilizational threat, not only for indigenous peoples and campesinos but also for the people of the cities who themselves must create dignified and rebellious forms of resistance in order to avoid murder, dispossession, contamination, sickness, slavery, kidnapping or disappearance. Within our community assemblies we have decided, exercised, and constructed our destiny since time immemorial. Our forms of organization and the defense of our collective life is only possible through rebellion against the bad government, their businesses, and their organized crime.
We denounce the following:
In Pueblo Coca, Jalisco, the businessman Guillermo Moreno Ibarra invaded 12 hectares of forest in the area known as El Pandillo, working in cahoots with the agrarian institutions there to criminalize those who struggle, resulting in 10 community members being subjected to trials that went on for four years. The bad government is invading the island of Mexcala, which is sacred communal land, and at the same time refusing to recognize the Coca people in state indigenous legislation, in an effort to erase them from history.
The Otomí Ñhañu, Ñathö, Hui hú, and Matlatzinca peoples from México State and Michoacán are being attacked via the imposition of a megaproject to build the private Toluca-Naucalpan Highway and an inter-city train. The project is destroying homes and sacred sites, buying people off and manipulating communal assemblies through police presence. This is in addition to fraudulent community censuses that supplant the voice of an entire people, as well as the privatization and the dispossession of water and territory around the Xinantécatl volcano, known as the Nevado de Toluca.
There the bad governments are doing away with the protections that they themselves granted, all in order to hand the area over to the tourism industry. We know that all of these projects are driven by interest in appropriating the water and life of the entire region. In the Michoacán zone they deny the identity of the Otomí people, and a group of police patrols have come to the region to monitor the hills, prohibiting indigenous people there from going to the hills to cut wood.
The originary peoples who live in Mexico City are being dispossessed of the territories that they have won in order to be able to work for a living; in the process they are robbed of their goods and subjected to police violence. They are scorned and repressed for using their traditional clothing and language, and criminalized through accusations of selling drugs.
The territory of the Chontal Peoples of Oaxaca is being invaded by mining concessions that are dismantling communal land organization, affecting the people and natural resources of five communities.
The Mayan Peninsular People of Campeche, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo are suffering land disposession as a result of the planting of genetically modified soy and African palm, the contamination of their aquifers by agrochemicals, the construction of wind farms and solar farms, the development of ecotourism, and the activities of real estate developers. Their resistance against high electricity costs has been met with harassment and arrest warrants. In Calakmul, Campeche, five communities are being displaced by the imposition of ‘environmental protection areas,’ environmental service costs, and carbon capture plans. In Candelaria, Campeche, the struggle continues for secure land tenure. In all three states there is aggressive criminalization against those who defend territory and natural resources.
The Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Chol and Lacandón Maya People of Chiapas continue to be displaced from their territories due to the privatization of natural resources. This has resulted in the imprisonment and murder of those who defend their right to remain in their territory, as they are constantly discriminated against and repressed whenever they defend themselves and organize to continue building their autonomy, leading to increasing rates of human rights violations by police forces. There are campaigns to fragment and divide their organizations, as well as the murders of compañeroswho have defended their territory and natural resources in San Sebastián Bachajon. The bad governments continue trying to destroy the organization of the communities that are EZLN bases of support in order to cast a shadow on the hope and light that they provide to the entire world.
The Mazateco people of Oaxaca have been invaded by private property claims which exploit the territory and culture for tourism purposes. This includes naming Huautla de Jimenéz as a “Pueblo Mágico” in order to legalize displacement and commercialize ancestral knowledge. This is in addition to mining concessions and foreign spelunking explorations in existing caves, all enforced by increased harassment by narcotraffickers and militarization of the territory. The bad governments are complicit in the increasing rates of femicide and rape in the region.
The Nahua and Totonaca peoples of Veracruz and Puebla are confronting aerial fumigation, which creates illnesses in the communities. Mining and hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation are carried out through fracking, and 8 watersheds are endangered by new projects that are contaminating the rivers.
The Nahua and Popoluca peoples from the south of Veracruz are under siege by organized crime and also risk territorial destruction and their disappearance as a people because of the threats brought by mining, wind farms, and above all, hydrocarbon exploitation through fracking.
The Nahua people, who live in the states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Morelos, Mexico State, Jalisco, Guerrero, Michoacán, San Luis Potosí, and Mexico City, are in a constant struggle to stop the advance of the so-called Proyecto Integral Morelos, consisting of pipelines, aqueducts, and thermoelectric projects. The bad governments, seeking to stop the resistance and communication among the communities are trying to destroy the community radio of Amiltzingo, Morelos.
Similarly, the construction of the new airport in Mexico City and the surrounding building projects threaten the territories around Texcoco lake and the Valle de México basin, namely Atenco, Texcoco, and Chimalhuacán. In Michocan, the Nahua people face the plunder of their natural resources and minerals by sicarios[hitmen] who are accompanied by police or the army, and also the militarization and paramilitarizaiton of their territories. The cost of trying to halt this war has been murder, persecution, imprisonment, and harassment of community leaders.
The Zoque People of Oaxaca and Chiapas face invasion by mining concessions and alleged private property claims on communal lands in the Chimalapas region, as well as three hydroelectric dams and hydrocarbon extraction through fracking. The implementation of cattle corridors is leading to excessive logging in the forests in order to create pastureland, and genetically modified seeds are also being cultivated there. At the same time, Zoque migrants to different states across the country are re-constituting their collective organization.
The Amuzgo people of Guerrero are facing the theft of water from the San Pedro River to supply residential areas in the city of Ometepec. Their community radio has also been subject to constant persecution and harassment.
The Rarámuri people of Chihuahua are losing their farmland to highway construction, to the Creel airport, and to the gas pipeline that runs from the United States to Chihuahua. They are also threatened by Japanese mining companies, dam projects, and tourism.
The Wixárika people of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Durango are facing the destruction and privatization of the sacred places they depend on to maintain their familial, social, and political fabric, and also the dispossession of their communal land in favor of large landowners who take advantage of the blurry boundaries between states of the Republic and campaigns orchestrated by the bad government to divide people.
The Kumiai People of Baja California continue struggling for the reconstitution of their ancestral territories, against invasion by private interests, the privatization of their sacred sites, and the invasion of their territories by gas pipelines and highways.
The Purépecha people of Michoacán are experiencing deforestation, which occurs through complicity between the bad government and the narcoparamilitary groups who plunder the forests and woods. Community organization from below poses an obstacle to that theft.
For the Triqui people of Oaxaca, the presence of the political parties, the mining industry, paramilitaries, and the bad government foment the disintegration of the community fabric in the interest of plundering natural resources.
The Chinanteco people of Oaxaca are suffering the destruction of their forms of community organization through land reforms, the imposition of environmental services costs, carbon capture plans, and ecotourism. There are plans for a four-lane highway to cross and divide their territory. In the Cajono and Usila Rivers the bad governments are planning to build three dams that will affect the Chinanteco and Zapoteca people, and there are also mining concessions and oil well explorations.
The Náyeri People of Nayarit face the invasion and destruction of their sacred territories by the Las Cruces hydroelectric project in the site called Muxa Tena on the San Pedro River.
The Yaqui people of Sonora continue their sacred struggle against the gas pipeline that would cross their territory, and in defense of the water of the Yaqui River, which the bad governments want to use to supply the city of Hermosillo, Sonora. This goes against judicial orders and international appeals which have made clear the Yaqui peoples’ legal and legitimate rights. The bad government has criminalized and harassed the authorities and spokespeople of the Yaqui tribe.
The Binizzá and Ikoot people organize to stop the advance of the mining, wind, hydroelectric, dam, and gas pipeline projects. This includes in particular the Special Economic Zone on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and the infrastructure that threatens the territory and the autonomy of the people on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec who are classified as the “environmental Taliban” and the “indigenous rights Taliban,” the precise words used by the Mexican Association of Energy to refer to the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco People.
The Mixteco people of Oaxaca suffer the plunder of their agrarian territory, which also affects their traditional practices given the threats, deaths, and imprisonment that seek to quiet the dissident voices, with the bad government supporting armed paramilitary groups as in the case of San Juan Mixtepec, Oaxaca.
The Mixteco, Tlapaneco, and Nahua peoples from the mountains and coast of Guerrero face the imposition of mining megaprojects supported by narcotraffickers, their paramilitaries, and the bad governments, who fight over the territories of the originary peoples.
The Mexican bad government continues to lie, trying hide its decomposition and total responsibility for the forced disappearance of the 43 students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero.
The state continues to hold hostage: compañerosPedro Sánchez Berriozábal, Rómulo Arias Míreles, Teófilo Pérez González, Dominga González Martínez, Lorenzo Sánchez Berriozábal, and Marco Antonio Pérez González from the Nahua community of San Pedro Tlanixco in Mexico State; Zapotec compañero Álvaro Sebastián from the Loxicha region; compañeros Emilio Jiménez Gómez and Esteban Gómez Jiménez, prisoners from the community of Bachajón, Chiapas; compañeros Pablo López Álvarez and the exiled Raul Gatica García and Juan Nicolás López from the Indigenous and Popular Council of Oaxaca Ricardo Flores Magón. Recently a judge handed down a 33-year prison sentence to compañero Luis Fernando Sotelo for demanding that the 43 disappeared students from Ayotzinapa be returned alive, and to the compañeros Samuel Ramírez Gálvez, Gonzalo Molina González and Arturo Campos Herrera from the Regional Coordination of Community Authorities – PC. They also hold hundreds of indigenous and non-indigenous people across the country prisoner for defending their territories and demanding justice.
The Mayo people’s ancestral territory is threatened by highway projects meant to connect Topolobampo with the state of Texas in the United States. Ambitious tourism projects are also being created in Barranca del Cobre.
The Dakota Nation’s sacred territory is being invaded and destroyed by gas and oil pipelines, which is why they are maintaining a permanent occupation to protect what is theirs.
For all of these reasons, we reiterate that it our obligation to protect life and dignity, that is, resistance and rebellion, from below and to the left, a task that can only be carried out collectively. We build rebellion from our small local assemblies that combine to form large communal assemblies, ejidal assemblies, Juntas de Buen Gobierno [Good Government Councils], and coalesce as agreements as peoples that unite us under one identity. In the process of sharing, learning, and constructing ourselves as the National Indigenous Congress, we see and feel our collective pain, discontent, and ancestral roots. In order to defend what we are, our path and learning process have been consolidated by strengthening our collective decision-making spaces, employing national and international juridical law as well as peaceful and civil resistance, and casting aside the political parties that have only brought death, corruption, and the buying off of dignity. We have made alliances with various sectors of civil society, creating our own resources in communication, community police and self-defense forces, assemblies and popular councils, and cooperatives; in the exercise and defense of traditional medicine; in the exercise and defense of traditional and ecological agriculture; in our own rituals and ceremonies to pay respect to mother earth and continue walking with and upon her, in the cultivation and defense of native seeds, and in political-cultural activities, forums, and information campaigns.
This is the power from below that has kept us alive. This is why commemorating resistance and rebellion also means ratifying our decision to continue to live, constructing hope for a future that is only possible upon the ruins of capitalism.
Given that the offensive against the people will not cease, but rather grow until it finishes off every last one of us who make up the peoples of the countryside and the city, who carry profound discontent that emerges in new, diverse, and creative forms of resistance and rebellion, this Fifth National Indigenous Congress has decided to launch a consultation in each of our communities to dismantle from below the power that is imposed on us from above and offers us nothing but death, violence, dispossession, and destruction. Given all of the above, we declare ourselves in permanent assembly as we carry out this consultation, in each of our geographies, territories, and paths, on the accord of the Fifth CNI to name an Indigenous Governing Council whose will would be manifest by an indigenous woman, a CNI delegate, as an independent candidate to the presidency of the country under the name of the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista Army for National Liberation in the electoral process of 2018. We confirm that our struggle is not for power, which we do not seek. Rather, we call on all of the originary peoples and civil society to organize to put a stop to this destruction and strengthen our resistances and rebellions, that is, the defense of the life of every person, family, collective, community, or barrio. We make a call to construct peace and justice by reweaving ourselves from below, from where we are what we are.
This is the time of dignified rebellion, the time to construct a new nation by and for everyone, to strengthen power below and to the anticapitalist left, to make those who are responsible for all of the pain of the peoples of this multi-colored Mexico pay.
Finally, we announce the creation of the official webpage of the CNI: www.congresonacionalindigena.org
From CIDECI-UNITIERRA,
Chiapas, October 2016
For the Full Reconstitution of Our Peoples
Never Again a Mexico Without Us
National Indigenous Congress
Zapatista Army for National Liberation
To the free media:
To the National and International Sixth:
Convened for the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the National Indigenous Congress and the living resistance of the originary peoples, nations, and tribes of this country called Mexico, of the languages of Amuzgo, Binni-zaá, Chinanteco, Chol, Chontal de Oaxaca, Coca, Náyeri, Cuicateco, Kumiai, Lacandón, Matlazinca, Maya, Mayo, Mazahua, Mazateco, Mixe, Mixteco, Nahua, Ñahñu, Ñathô, Popoluca, Purépecha, Rarámuri, Tlapaneco, Tojolabal, Totonaco, Triqui, Tzeltal, Tsotsil, Wixárika, Yaqui, Zoque, Chontal de Tabasco, as well as our Aymara, Catalán, Mam, Nasa, Quiché and Tacaná brothers and sisters, we firmly pronounce that our struggle is below and to the left, that we are anticapitalist and that the time of the people has come—the time to make this country pulse with the ancestral heartbeat of our mother earth.
It is in this spirit that we met to celebrate life in the Fifth National Indigenous Congress, which took place on October 9-14, 2016, in CIDECI-UNITIERRA, Chiapas. There we once again recognized the intensification of the dispossession and repression that have not stopped in the 524 years since the powerful began a war aimed at exterminating those who are of the earth; as their children we have not allowed for their destruction and death, meant to serve capitalist ambition which knows no end other than destruction itself. That resistance, the struggle to continue constructing life, today takes the form of words, learning, and agreements. On a daily basis we build ourselves and our communities in resistance in order to stave off the storm and the capitalist attack which never lets up. It becomes more aggressive everyday such that today it has become a civilizational threat, not only for indigenous peoples and campesinos but also for the people of the cities who themselves must create dignified and rebellious forms of resistance in order to avoid murder, dispossession, contamination, sickness, slavery, kidnapping or disappearance. Within our community assemblies we have decided, exercised, and constructed our destiny since time immemorial. Our forms of organization and the defense of our collective life is only possible through rebellion against the bad government, their businesses, and their organized crime.
We denounce the following:
In Pueblo Coca, Jalisco, the businessman Guillermo Moreno Ibarra invaded 12 hectares of forest in the area known as El Pandillo, working in cahoots with the agrarian institutions there to criminalize those who struggle, resulting in 10 community members being subjected to trials that went on for four years. The bad government is invading the island of Mexcala, which is sacred communal land, and at the same time refusing to recognize the Coca people in state indigenous legislation, in an effort to erase them from history.
The Otomí Ñhañu, Ñathö, Hui hú, and Matlatzinca peoples from México State and Michoacán are being attacked via the imposition of a megaproject to build the private Toluca-Naucalpan Highway and an inter-city train. The project is destroying homes and sacred sites, buying people off and manipulating communal assemblies through police presence. This is in addition to fraudulent community censuses that supplant the voice of an entire people, as well as the privatization and the dispossession of water and territory around the Xinantécatl volcano, known as the Nevado de Toluca.
There the bad governments are doing away with the protections that they themselves granted, all in order to hand the area over to the tourism industry. We know that all of these projects are driven by interest in appropriating the water and life of the entire region. In the Michoacán zone they deny the identity of the Otomí people, and a group of police patrols have come to the region to monitor the hills, prohibiting indigenous people there from going to the hills to cut wood.
The originary peoples who live in Mexico City are being dispossessed of the territories that they have won in order to be able to work for a living; in the process they are robbed of their goods and subjected to police violence. They are scorned and repressed for using their traditional clothing and language, and criminalized through accusations of selling drugs.
The territory of the Chontal Peoples of Oaxaca is being invaded by mining concessions that are dismantling communal land organization, affecting the people and natural resources of five communities.
The Mayan Peninsular People of Campeche, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo are suffering land disposession as a result of the planting of genetically modified soy and African palm, the contamination of their aquifers by agrochemicals, the construction of wind farms and solar farms, the development of ecotourism, and the activities of real estate developers. Their resistance against high electricity costs has been met with harassment and arrest warrants. In Calakmul, Campeche, five communities are being displaced by the imposition of ‘environmental protection areas,’ environmental service costs, and carbon capture plans. In Candelaria, Campeche, the struggle continues for secure land tenure. In all three states there is aggressive criminalization against those who defend territory and natural resources.
The Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Chol and Lacandón Maya People of Chiapas continue to be displaced from their territories due to the privatization of natural resources. This has resulted in the imprisonment and murder of those who defend their right to remain in their territory, as they are constantly discriminated against and repressed whenever they defend themselves and organize to continue building their autonomy, leading to increasing rates of human rights violations by police forces. There are campaigns to fragment and divide their organizations, as well as the murders of compañeroswho have defended their territory and natural resources in San Sebastián Bachajon. The bad governments continue trying to destroy the organization of the communities that are EZLN bases of support in order to cast a shadow on the hope and light that they provide to the entire world.
The Mazateco people of Oaxaca have been invaded by private property claims which exploit the territory and culture for tourism purposes. This includes naming Huautla de Jimenéz as a “Pueblo Mágico” in order to legalize displacement and commercialize ancestral knowledge. This is in addition to mining concessions and foreign spelunking explorations in existing caves, all enforced by increased harassment by narcotraffickers and militarization of the territory. The bad governments are complicit in the increasing rates of femicide and rape in the region.
The Nahua and Totonaca peoples of Veracruz and Puebla are confronting aerial fumigation, which creates illnesses in the communities. Mining and hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation are carried out through fracking, and 8 watersheds are endangered by new projects that are contaminating the rivers.
The Nahua and Popoluca peoples from the south of Veracruz are under siege by organized crime and also risk territorial destruction and their disappearance as a people because of the threats brought by mining, wind farms, and above all, hydrocarbon exploitation through fracking.
The Nahua people, who live in the states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Morelos, Mexico State, Jalisco, Guerrero, Michoacán, San Luis Potosí, and Mexico City, are in a constant struggle to stop the advance of the so-called Proyecto Integral Morelos, consisting of pipelines, aqueducts, and thermoelectric projects. The bad governments, seeking to stop the resistance and communication among the communities are trying to destroy the community radio of Amiltzingo, Morelos.
Similarly, the construction of the new airport in Mexico City and the surrounding building projects threaten the territories around Texcoco lake and the Valle de México basin, namely Atenco, Texcoco, and Chimalhuacán. In Michocan, the Nahua people face the plunder of their natural resources and minerals by sicarios[hitmen] who are accompanied by police or the army, and also the militarization and paramilitarizaiton of their territories. The cost of trying to halt this war has been murder, persecution, imprisonment, and harassment of community leaders.
The Zoque People of Oaxaca and Chiapas face invasion by mining concessions and alleged private property claims on communal lands in the Chimalapas region, as well as three hydroelectric dams and hydrocarbon extraction through fracking. The implementation of cattle corridors is leading to excessive logging in the forests in order to create pastureland, and genetically modified seeds are also being cultivated there. At the same time, Zoque migrants to different states across the country are re-constituting their collective organization.
The Amuzgo people of Guerrero are facing the theft of water from the San Pedro River to supply residential areas in the city of Ometepec. Their community radio has also been subject to constant persecution and harassment.
The Rarámuri people of Chihuahua are losing their farmland to highway construction, to the Creel airport, and to the gas pipeline that runs from the United States to Chihuahua. They are also threatened by Japanese mining companies, dam projects, and tourism.
The Wixárika people of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Durango are facing the destruction and privatization of the sacred places they depend on to maintain their familial, social, and political fabric, and also the dispossession of their communal land in favor of large landowners who take advantage of the blurry boundaries between states of the Republic and campaigns orchestrated by the bad government to divide people.
The Kumiai People of Baja California continue struggling for the reconstitution of their ancestral territories, against invasion by private interests, the privatization of their sacred sites, and the invasion of their territories by gas pipelines and highways.
The Purépecha people of Michoacán are experiencing deforestation, which occurs through complicity between the bad government and the narcoparamilitary groups who plunder the forests and woods. Community organization from below poses an obstacle to that theft.
For the Triqui people of Oaxaca, the presence of the political parties, the mining industry, paramilitaries, and the bad government foment the disintegration of the community fabric in the interest of plundering natural resources.
The Chinanteco people of Oaxaca are suffering the destruction of their forms of community organization through land reforms, the imposition of environmental services costs, carbon capture plans, and ecotourism. There are plans for a four-lane highway to cross and divide their territory. In the Cajono and Usila Rivers the bad governments are planning to build three dams that will affect the Chinanteco and Zapoteca people, and there are also mining concessions and oil well explorations.
The Náyeri People of Nayarit face the invasion and destruction of their sacred territories by the Las Cruces hydroelectric project in the site called Muxa Tena on the San Pedro River.
The Yaqui people of Sonora continue their sacred struggle against the gas pipeline that would cross their territory, and in defense of the water of the Yaqui River, which the bad governments want to use to supply the city of Hermosillo, Sonora. This goes against judicial orders and international appeals which have made clear the Yaqui peoples’ legal and legitimate rights. The bad government has criminalized and harassed the authorities and spokespeople of the Yaqui tribe.
The Binizzá and Ikoot people organize to stop the advance of the mining, wind, hydroelectric, dam, and gas pipeline projects. This includes in particular the Special Economic Zone on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and the infrastructure that threatens the territory and the autonomy of the people on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec who are classified as the “environmental Taliban” and the “indigenous rights Taliban,” the precise words used by the Mexican Association of Energy to refer to the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco People.
The Mixteco people of Oaxaca suffer the plunder of their agrarian territory, which also affects their traditional practices given the threats, deaths, and imprisonment that seek to quiet the dissident voices, with the bad government supporting armed paramilitary groups as in the case of San Juan Mixtepec, Oaxaca.
The Mixteco, Tlapaneco, and Nahua peoples from the mountains and coast of Guerrero face the imposition of mining megaprojects supported by narcotraffickers, their paramilitaries, and the bad governments, who fight over the territories of the originary peoples.
The Mexican bad government continues to lie, trying hide its decomposition and total responsibility for the forced disappearance of the 43 students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero.
The state continues to hold hostage: compañerosPedro Sánchez Berriozábal, Rómulo Arias Míreles, Teófilo Pérez González, Dominga González Martínez, Lorenzo Sánchez Berriozábal, and Marco Antonio Pérez González from the Nahua community of San Pedro Tlanixco in Mexico State; Zapotec compañero Álvaro Sebastián from the Loxicha region; compañeros Emilio Jiménez Gómez and Esteban Gómez Jiménez, prisoners from the community of Bachajón, Chiapas; compañeros Pablo López Álvarez and the exiled Raul Gatica García and Juan Nicolás López from the Indigenous and Popular Council of Oaxaca Ricardo Flores Magón. Recently a judge handed down a 33-year prison sentence to compañero Luis Fernando Sotelo for demanding that the 43 disappeared students from Ayotzinapa be returned alive, and to the compañeros Samuel Ramírez Gálvez, Gonzalo Molina González and Arturo Campos Herrera from the Regional Coordination of Community Authorities – PC. They also hold hundreds of indigenous and non-indigenous people across the country prisoner for defending their territories and demanding justice.
The Mayo people’s ancestral territory is threatened by highway projects meant to connect Topolobampo with the state of Texas in the United States. Ambitious tourism projects are also being created in Barranca del Cobre.
The Dakota Nation’s sacred territory is being invaded and destroyed by gas and oil pipelines, which is why they are maintaining a permanent occupation to protect what is theirs.
For all of these reasons, we reiterate that it our obligation to protect life and dignity, that is, resistance and rebellion, from below and to the left, a task that can only be carried out collectively. We build rebellion from our small local assemblies that combine to form large communal assemblies, ejidal assemblies, Juntas de Buen Gobierno [Good Government Councils], and coalesce as agreements as peoples that unite us under one identity. In the process of sharing, learning, and constructing ourselves as the National Indigenous Congress, we see and feel our collective pain, discontent, and ancestral roots. In order to defend what we are, our path and learning process have been consolidated by strengthening our collective decision-making spaces, employing national and international juridical law as well as peaceful and civil resistance, and casting aside the political parties that have only brought death, corruption, and the buying off of dignity. We have made alliances with various sectors of civil society, creating our own resources in communication, community police and self-defense forces, assemblies and popular councils, and cooperatives; in the exercise and defense of traditional medicine; in the exercise and defense of traditional and ecological agriculture; in our own rituals and ceremonies to pay respect to mother earth and continue walking with and upon her, in the cultivation and defense of native seeds, and in political-cultural activities, forums, and information campaigns.
This is the power from below that has kept us alive. This is why commemorating resistance and rebellion also means ratifying our decision to continue to live, constructing hope for a future that is only possible upon the ruins of capitalism.
Given that the offensive against the people will not cease, but rather grow until it finishes off every last one of us who make up the peoples of the countryside and the city, who carry profound discontent that emerges in new, diverse, and creative forms of resistance and rebellion, this Fifth National Indigenous Congress has decided to launch a consultation in each of our communities to dismantle from below the power that is imposed on us from above and offers us nothing but death, violence, dispossession, and destruction. Given all of the above, we declare ourselves in permanent assembly as we carry out this consultation, in each of our geographies, territories, and paths, on the accord of the Fifth CNI to name an Indigenous Governing Council whose will would be manifest by an indigenous woman, a CNI delegate, as an independent candidate to the presidency of the country under the name of the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista Army for National Liberation in the electoral process of 2018. We confirm that our struggle is not for power, which we do not seek. Rather, we call on all of the originary peoples and civil society to organize to put a stop to this destruction and strengthen our resistances and rebellions, that is, the defense of the life of every person, family, collective, community, or barrio. We make a call to construct peace and justice by reweaving ourselves from below, from where we are what we are.
This is the time of dignified rebellion, the time to construct a new nation by and for everyone, to strengthen power below and to the anticapitalist left, to make those who are responsible for all of the pain of the peoples of this multi-colored Mexico pay.
Finally, we announce the creation of the official webpage of the CNI: www.congresonacionalindigena.org
From CIDECI-UNITIERRA,
Chiapas, October 2016
For the Full Reconstitution of Our Peoples
Never Again a Mexico Without Us
National Indigenous Congress
Zapatista Army for National Liberation
Also Read:
Ayotzinapa’s Message to the World: Organize!
Mexican Police Shoots at Students Once Again
Will Canada speak up for the disappeared in Mexico?
iPolitics.ca - by Kathy Price September 26, 2016
It was an arresting image: two smiling heads of state jogging together
across an Ottawa bridge in shorts and t-shirts.
Justin Trudeau's much-photographed run with Mexican President Enrique
Peña Nieto during Nieto's state visit to Canada in June was meant to
convey an important message. Canada has a close friendship with Mexico,
the PM has said on several occasions, describing it as a partnership
based on shared values and cemented through new agreements for
collaboration, not to mention growing trade and investment.
So it's no wonder that some people in Mexico have high hopes of Canada,
especially against a background of an acute human rights crisis and
deep, well-justified distrust of Mexican authorities.
September 26 marks two years since the unthinkable happened. Buses
carrying students from a rural teacher-training college were attacked
with gunfire by police in the town of Iguala.
Three students were shot to death - executed in the street over the
desperate cries for help of their classmates. Others were badly injured
- one remains in a coma - and 43 students were loaded into police
vehicles, never to be seen again.
One of them was Jorge Antonio, the beloved son of Hilda Legideño, a
woman with pain etched into her face. "We've spent two years searching,"
Hilda told me last week, recounting the tireless, agonized, courageous
efforts of her family and the relatives of the other missing students.
"The Mexican government has responded with repression and lies. We ask
Canada to support our efforts and call on Mexico for the truth."
It's an appeal for international pressure that cannot be ignored,
especially given Canada's relationship with Mexico and its potential to
influence it. Surely friends do not remain silent in the face of gross,
shocking acts of injustice with terrifying consequences.
Amnesty International has documented deep flaws in Mexico's
investigation into what happened to the students - an investigation that
seemed bent from the beginning on covering up who was involved.
While more than 100 people have been arrested, most are local police
officers and gang members. They were charged with kidnapping, homicide
and other crimes - but not with enforced disappearance, hampering
efforts to establish command responsibility.
Equally disturbing, many of those behind bars allege they were tortured
into "confessing" involvement or providing "information" to corroborate
the government's claim that police handed the students over to a local
gang, who killed them and burned their bodies to ashes at a garbage
dump.
Independent forensic experts later established that the government's
claim is scientifically impossible, while an international panel of
experts appointed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
accused the government of failing to follow up key lines of
investigation, manipulating evidence and protecting officials suspected
of involvement in the enforced disappearances. Small wonder that the
Mexican government refused to renew the mandate of the international
experts earlier this year, and failed to implement their
recommendations, including an investigation of the military.
Canada cannot allow the Peña Nieto administration to get away with
ignoring the facts, obstructing justice, brushing off well-founded
complaints and preventing international efforts from uncovering the
truth about such an important case. The suffering of the students and
their families must not be swept under the carpet. This will only fuel
the epidemic of disappearances that is sowing terror throughout Mexico.
The figures are staggering. According to the government's own
statistics, more than 28,000 people have been reported missing in
Mexico, most of them during the administration of President Peña Nieto.
Few cases are investigated in a climate of massive corruption involving
government officials and organized crime. Relatives of the disappeared,
like Hilda Legideño and the other families of the missing students, are
left to search for themselves, even though doing so puts their own lives
at risk.
Stronger international pressure must be brought to bear - and Canada has
a vital role to play. This means speaking up firmly and consistently,
publicly, privately, in bilateral meetings and in international spaces
like the United Nations. Human rights, justice, the missing students,
their families and all relatives of the disappeared must be front and
centre - a top priority for Canada's engagement with Mexico. Anything
else is simply not acceptable.
across an Ottawa bridge in shorts and t-shirts.
Justin Trudeau's much-photographed run with Mexican President Enrique
Peña Nieto during Nieto's state visit to Canada in June was meant to
convey an important message. Canada has a close friendship with Mexico,
the PM has said on several occasions, describing it as a partnership
based on shared values and cemented through new agreements for
collaboration, not to mention growing trade and investment.
So it's no wonder that some people in Mexico have high hopes of Canada,
especially against a background of an acute human rights crisis and
deep, well-justified distrust of Mexican authorities.
September 26 marks two years since the unthinkable happened. Buses
carrying students from a rural teacher-training college were attacked
with gunfire by police in the town of Iguala.
Three students were shot to death - executed in the street over the
desperate cries for help of their classmates. Others were badly injured
- one remains in a coma - and 43 students were loaded into police
vehicles, never to be seen again.
One of them was Jorge Antonio, the beloved son of Hilda Legideño, a
woman with pain etched into her face. "We've spent two years searching,"
Hilda told me last week, recounting the tireless, agonized, courageous
efforts of her family and the relatives of the other missing students.
"The Mexican government has responded with repression and lies. We ask
Canada to support our efforts and call on Mexico for the truth."
It's an appeal for international pressure that cannot be ignored,
especially given Canada's relationship with Mexico and its potential to
influence it. Surely friends do not remain silent in the face of gross,
shocking acts of injustice with terrifying consequences.
Amnesty International has documented deep flaws in Mexico's
investigation into what happened to the students - an investigation that
seemed bent from the beginning on covering up who was involved.
While more than 100 people have been arrested, most are local police
officers and gang members. They were charged with kidnapping, homicide
and other crimes - but not with enforced disappearance, hampering
efforts to establish command responsibility.
Equally disturbing, many of those behind bars allege they were tortured
into "confessing" involvement or providing "information" to corroborate
the government's claim that police handed the students over to a local
gang, who killed them and burned their bodies to ashes at a garbage
dump.
Independent forensic experts later established that the government's
claim is scientifically impossible, while an international panel of
experts appointed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
accused the government of failing to follow up key lines of
investigation, manipulating evidence and protecting officials suspected
of involvement in the enforced disappearances. Small wonder that the
Mexican government refused to renew the mandate of the international
experts earlier this year, and failed to implement their
recommendations, including an investigation of the military.
Canada cannot allow the Peña Nieto administration to get away with
ignoring the facts, obstructing justice, brushing off well-founded
complaints and preventing international efforts from uncovering the
truth about such an important case. The suffering of the students and
their families must not be swept under the carpet. This will only fuel
the epidemic of disappearances that is sowing terror throughout Mexico.
The figures are staggering. According to the government's own
statistics, more than 28,000 people have been reported missing in
Mexico, most of them during the administration of President Peña Nieto.
Few cases are investigated in a climate of massive corruption involving
government officials and organized crime. Relatives of the disappeared,
like Hilda Legideño and the other families of the missing students, are
left to search for themselves, even though doing so puts their own lives
at risk.
Stronger international pressure must be brought to bear - and Canada has
a vital role to play. This means speaking up firmly and consistently,
publicly, privately, in bilateral meetings and in international spaces
like the United Nations. Human rights, justice, the missing students,
their families and all relatives of the disappeared must be front and
centre - a top priority for Canada's engagement with Mexico. Anything
else is simply not acceptable.
Otros articulos:
1. Mexican Official Leading Ayotzinapa Investigation Resigns
2. New Study Debunks Mexico's Line on Ayotzinapa Students, Again
En el día 121 de huelga, la CNTE coloca barricadas en Chiapas / El domingo cientos de indígenas marcharon en apoyo a los maestros y por sus propias reivindicaciones
Resumen Latinoamericano - 12 de Septiembre 2016
La CNTE cumple hoy 121 días de paro de labores en Chiapas, durante los cuales ha mantenido un plan de movilizaciones. SUN / ARCHIVO.
Maestros disidentes colocaron la madrugada de este lunes barricadas alrededor del “plantón” en el centro de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, ante la versión de desalojo policíaco.
Los integrantes de la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) bloquearon con neumáticos, piedras y palos los principales accesos a los campamentos.
Otro grupo atravesó en un acceso de la avenida, un autobús de pasaje de los denominados conejo-bus, del Sistema de Transporte Urbano de Tuxtla, cuya dirección general informó que este lunes suspendió las corridas en la ciudad.
La Coordinadora informó que como parte de sus movilizaciones para exigir la abrogación de la reforma educativa tomará esta mañana diversos edificios públicos.
En asamblea resolvió cerrar de manera permanente el Palacio del Gobierno estatal, el Congreso del Estado, la alcaldía de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, así como las oficinas de Hacienda y del Servicio Postal Mexicano.
La CNTE cumple hoy 121 días de paro de labores en Chiapas, durante los cuales ha mantenido un plan de movilizaciones con marchas, bloqueos carreteros, de edificios públicos, centros comerciales y medios de comunicación.
Cientos de indígenas choles y tzeltales expresan respaldo a maestros de la CNTE y su rechazo a las reformas estructurales que atentan contra los derechos de los pueblos y comunidades y legaliza el despojo de sus tierras y territorios.
12 de septiembre 2016.- En la mañana del 11 de septiembre alrededor de 800 indígenas choles y tzeltales realizamos una marcha-peregrinación en el Ejido Nueva Esperanza en Tila en el marco del sexto aniversario de la Constitución de nuestra organización Laklumal Ixim-Norte Selva, en la realizamos una marcha por las calles del ejido, se realizó una misa y concluyó con un mitin político con la presencia de compañeros del Ejido Tila y sus distintos anexos, maestros de la CNTE de la región Sierra Norte y de representantes del Movimiento de Pueblos Originarios en Resistencia provenientes de comunidades del municipio de Chilón.
Representantes de las distintas comunidades y organizaciones coincidimos en la necesidad de caminar juntos y unificar nuestras luchas como pueblos en contra de las llamadas reformas estructurales que están entregando los recursos y patrimonio de la nación al capital privado extranjero y nacional y que han sumido en mayor miseria a nuestro pueblo.
Comunidades y organizaciones expresamos nuestro respaldo a la lucha de los maestros de la CNTE en contra de la reforma educativa y por la defensa de la educación pública y hacemos responsables al gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto y de Manuel Velasco Coello de lo que llegue a suceder al movimiento magisterial y popular.
Seguimos manifestando nuestro total rechazo a la reforma constitucional en materia de energía denominado por el gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto como la reforma energética, que constituye la legalización a nivel constitucional de la entrega de nuestra soberanía, de nuestros recursos como el agua, la energía eléctrica, los minerales, el gas, el petróleo y nuestros bosques y selvas a empresas privadas extranajeras y la ilegítima legalización a nivel constitucional del despojo de nuestras tierras y territorios como pueblos campesinos e indígenas.
En Chiapas daremos la batalla por la defensa de nuestras tierras y territorios en contra del gobierno de Manuel Velasco Coello que pretende iniciar el despojo masivo de nuestros pueblos y comunidades para beneficiarse de las más de 100 concesiones mineras que están vigentes en Chiapas y en la que sus socios y amigos aparecen como beneficiarios.
Saludamos la convocatoria y asisteremos en las distintas movilizaciones y peregrinaciones a las que ha convocado el pueblo creyente que caminará de Salto de Agua a San Cristóbal de Las Casas, en Tila y en Yajalón para sumarse al rechazo de un gobierno que violenta nuestros elementales derechos humanos y como Pueblos Indígenas; así como la marcha que se realizará este 15 de septiembre convocada por el Movimiento de Pueblos Originarios en Resistencia y el Movimiento del Agua Nasic en la cabecera municipal de Chilón.
En un momento en que desde el gobierno se atentan contra los elementales derechos humanos de nuestro Pueblo y se aprestan a despojar a comunidades y pueblos indígenas y campesinos valoramos como de gran aliento el compromiso de párrocos y de la iglesia de los pobres que ha decidido sumarse en la denuncia y el clamor ante el dolor y el sufrimiento de nuestro Pueblo de Chiapas que en este gobierno es perseguido, reprimido y su miseria ha aumentado.
Denunciamos con preocupación el grave clima de violencia y confrontación que se está viviendo en las comunidades y pueblos indígenas de distintos municipios del Norte de Chiapas con el objetivo de desmovilizar y generar el terror entre la población, hechos perpetrados por grupos delincuenciales y paramilitares que operan con la protección del Ayuntamiento de Tila, del PVEM y de funcionarios del gobierno de Chiapas que encabeza Manuel Velasco Coello. Recientemente se han dado varios asesinatos con extrema saña de mujeres y hombres en ejidos de Tila y la constante presencia de grupos de personas fuertemente armadas, así como reportes de migrantes desaparecidos en su paso por esta ruta que los conecte al ferrocarril que transita por el vecino Estado de Tabasco.
Responsabilizamos al gobernador Manuel Velasco Coello de lo que ocurra en Tila que al igual que muchos municipios de Chiapas continúa viviendo un escenario de terror y extrema violencia provocada por la operación con total impunidad y libertad de grupos paramilitares del PVEM y de la delincuencia, así como de cualquier ataque o represión por policías estatales, federales o grupos paramilitares en contra de padres de familia y maestros de la CNTE.
¡RECHAZO A LAS REFORMAS ESTRUCTURALES: REFORMA ENERGÉTICA, EDUCATIVA, LABORAL, HACENDARIA, TELECOMUNICACIONES, DE SALUD!
¡RESPALDO TOTAL A LA LUCHA DE LOS MAESTROS DE LA CNTE!
¡MANUEL VELASCO COELLO, GOBIERNO REPRESOR Y VIOLADOR DE DERECHOS HUMANOS DE NUESTRO PUEBLO!
¡YA BASTA DE REPRESIÓN Y CRIMINALIZACIÓN EN CHIAPAS!
¡VELASCO COELLO RESPETA NUESTROS DERECHOS COMO PUEBLOS Y COMUNIDADES INDÍGENAS!
LAKLUMAL IXIM-NORTE SELVA
Maestros disidentes colocaron la madrugada de este lunes barricadas alrededor del “plantón” en el centro de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, ante la versión de desalojo policíaco.
Los integrantes de la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) bloquearon con neumáticos, piedras y palos los principales accesos a los campamentos.
Otro grupo atravesó en un acceso de la avenida, un autobús de pasaje de los denominados conejo-bus, del Sistema de Transporte Urbano de Tuxtla, cuya dirección general informó que este lunes suspendió las corridas en la ciudad.
La Coordinadora informó que como parte de sus movilizaciones para exigir la abrogación de la reforma educativa tomará esta mañana diversos edificios públicos.
En asamblea resolvió cerrar de manera permanente el Palacio del Gobierno estatal, el Congreso del Estado, la alcaldía de Tuxtla Gutiérrez, así como las oficinas de Hacienda y del Servicio Postal Mexicano.
La CNTE cumple hoy 121 días de paro de labores en Chiapas, durante los cuales ha mantenido un plan de movilizaciones con marchas, bloqueos carreteros, de edificios públicos, centros comerciales y medios de comunicación.
Cientos de indígenas choles y tzeltales expresan respaldo a maestros de la CNTE y su rechazo a las reformas estructurales que atentan contra los derechos de los pueblos y comunidades y legaliza el despojo de sus tierras y territorios.
12 de septiembre 2016.- En la mañana del 11 de septiembre alrededor de 800 indígenas choles y tzeltales realizamos una marcha-peregrinación en el Ejido Nueva Esperanza en Tila en el marco del sexto aniversario de la Constitución de nuestra organización Laklumal Ixim-Norte Selva, en la realizamos una marcha por las calles del ejido, se realizó una misa y concluyó con un mitin político con la presencia de compañeros del Ejido Tila y sus distintos anexos, maestros de la CNTE de la región Sierra Norte y de representantes del Movimiento de Pueblos Originarios en Resistencia provenientes de comunidades del municipio de Chilón.
Representantes de las distintas comunidades y organizaciones coincidimos en la necesidad de caminar juntos y unificar nuestras luchas como pueblos en contra de las llamadas reformas estructurales que están entregando los recursos y patrimonio de la nación al capital privado extranjero y nacional y que han sumido en mayor miseria a nuestro pueblo.
Comunidades y organizaciones expresamos nuestro respaldo a la lucha de los maestros de la CNTE en contra de la reforma educativa y por la defensa de la educación pública y hacemos responsables al gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto y de Manuel Velasco Coello de lo que llegue a suceder al movimiento magisterial y popular.
Seguimos manifestando nuestro total rechazo a la reforma constitucional en materia de energía denominado por el gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto como la reforma energética, que constituye la legalización a nivel constitucional de la entrega de nuestra soberanía, de nuestros recursos como el agua, la energía eléctrica, los minerales, el gas, el petróleo y nuestros bosques y selvas a empresas privadas extranajeras y la ilegítima legalización a nivel constitucional del despojo de nuestras tierras y territorios como pueblos campesinos e indígenas.
En Chiapas daremos la batalla por la defensa de nuestras tierras y territorios en contra del gobierno de Manuel Velasco Coello que pretende iniciar el despojo masivo de nuestros pueblos y comunidades para beneficiarse de las más de 100 concesiones mineras que están vigentes en Chiapas y en la que sus socios y amigos aparecen como beneficiarios.
Saludamos la convocatoria y asisteremos en las distintas movilizaciones y peregrinaciones a las que ha convocado el pueblo creyente que caminará de Salto de Agua a San Cristóbal de Las Casas, en Tila y en Yajalón para sumarse al rechazo de un gobierno que violenta nuestros elementales derechos humanos y como Pueblos Indígenas; así como la marcha que se realizará este 15 de septiembre convocada por el Movimiento de Pueblos Originarios en Resistencia y el Movimiento del Agua Nasic en la cabecera municipal de Chilón.
En un momento en que desde el gobierno se atentan contra los elementales derechos humanos de nuestro Pueblo y se aprestan a despojar a comunidades y pueblos indígenas y campesinos valoramos como de gran aliento el compromiso de párrocos y de la iglesia de los pobres que ha decidido sumarse en la denuncia y el clamor ante el dolor y el sufrimiento de nuestro Pueblo de Chiapas que en este gobierno es perseguido, reprimido y su miseria ha aumentado.
Denunciamos con preocupación el grave clima de violencia y confrontación que se está viviendo en las comunidades y pueblos indígenas de distintos municipios del Norte de Chiapas con el objetivo de desmovilizar y generar el terror entre la población, hechos perpetrados por grupos delincuenciales y paramilitares que operan con la protección del Ayuntamiento de Tila, del PVEM y de funcionarios del gobierno de Chiapas que encabeza Manuel Velasco Coello. Recientemente se han dado varios asesinatos con extrema saña de mujeres y hombres en ejidos de Tila y la constante presencia de grupos de personas fuertemente armadas, así como reportes de migrantes desaparecidos en su paso por esta ruta que los conecte al ferrocarril que transita por el vecino Estado de Tabasco.
Responsabilizamos al gobernador Manuel Velasco Coello de lo que ocurra en Tila que al igual que muchos municipios de Chiapas continúa viviendo un escenario de terror y extrema violencia provocada por la operación con total impunidad y libertad de grupos paramilitares del PVEM y de la delincuencia, así como de cualquier ataque o represión por policías estatales, federales o grupos paramilitares en contra de padres de familia y maestros de la CNTE.
¡RECHAZO A LAS REFORMAS ESTRUCTURALES: REFORMA ENERGÉTICA, EDUCATIVA, LABORAL, HACENDARIA, TELECOMUNICACIONES, DE SALUD!
¡RESPALDO TOTAL A LA LUCHA DE LOS MAESTROS DE LA CNTE!
¡MANUEL VELASCO COELLO, GOBIERNO REPRESOR Y VIOLADOR DE DERECHOS HUMANOS DE NUESTRO PUEBLO!
¡YA BASTA DE REPRESIÓN Y CRIMINALIZACIÓN EN CHIAPAS!
¡VELASCO COELLO RESPETA NUESTROS DERECHOS COMO PUEBLOS Y COMUNIDADES INDÍGENAS!
LAKLUMAL IXIM-NORTE SELVA
The Struggle of Mexican Teachers. Interview with Francisco Salas, from the Jalisco-CNTE Teachers’ Front
Mariano Casco / Source: Resumen Latinoamericano / The Dawn News
September 6, 2016
Over the last few months one of the most important union struggles in Latin America has taken place. The National Coordination of Education Workers (CNTE), which nucleates teachers that oppose the bureaucratic leadership of the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE), unleashed a strike with mobilizations at a national level to demand the abrogation of the neoliberal educational reform promoted by President Enrique Peña Nieto since 2012.
In only 3 months over 1 million people participated in the demonstrations, there were hundreds of roadblocks, camps, occupations of public buildings, government institutions, shopping malls and airports. There were several detained and wounded and 11 deaths. This is the climax of over 3 years of constant protests and mobilizations against the reform imposed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and its allies, the National Action Party (PAN) and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD).
Although the core of the resistance is made up of unions, the movement is much broader. Because what’s at stake is not only working rights but Mexico’s entire public education system. Furthermore, this conflict can lead (if it hasn’t already done so) to a crushing political defeat for the government. Because of these reasons, dissimile social sectors have joined the claim, including: the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) and its most notorious face, Andrés Manuel López Obrador; municipal presidents; the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN); the families of the 43 students who disappeared in Ayotzinapa; and territorial, student and union organizations.
The increasing questioning of the educational reform has also served to solidify criticism against the 12 reforms that the PRI is implementing since its return to the Federal government at the end of 2012. Irene del Carmen, President of the Santo Domingo Yanhuitlán locality, said, regarding the arrival of the “Motorized Caravan of the Indigenous Peoples of Oaxaca For Peace and Justice” to Mexico City last July 19, “it is only through unity that we will achieve (…) the suppression of the 12 reforms that harm our peoples. They harm real people who walk through their rivers and their mountains, who have lived on these lands for over a thousand years”.
The most notorious incident in the conflict between the CNTE and the Mexican government at the international level is perhaps the brutal repression by federal police in Nochixtlán, Oaxaca. However, little is known about the struggle that led the inhabitants of said community to block a road. In order to elucidate this series of events, we interviewed Francisco Salas, professor and spokesman of the Jalisco-CNTE Teachers’ Front.
What’s the current status of the teachers’ struggle. What are the CNTE and the Federal Government negotiating?
At this point we believe we are very close to victory. The struggle has been very long, since it spanned over more than four years. Four years of relentless and frontal fight against the educational reform. Over this period of time, the CNTE has had a very clear demand —it is only one and it has never changed: we want more than the abrogation of the educational reform.
Needless to say, many things happened during this process. A high price was paid, precisely to be at the point where we are now, moment to negotiate. We’re talking about comrades who were killed —at least 30 dead in a four—, dozens of teachers in prison, administrative sanctions for a great many teachers and other forms of retaliation used by the state to put a limit on this struggle.
Regarding the negotiation, we’re discussing a threefold negotiation, with three negotiating tables: a political one, an educative one and a social one.
CONTINUE READING HERE .....
In only 3 months over 1 million people participated in the demonstrations, there were hundreds of roadblocks, camps, occupations of public buildings, government institutions, shopping malls and airports. There were several detained and wounded and 11 deaths. This is the climax of over 3 years of constant protests and mobilizations against the reform imposed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and its allies, the National Action Party (PAN) and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD).
Although the core of the resistance is made up of unions, the movement is much broader. Because what’s at stake is not only working rights but Mexico’s entire public education system. Furthermore, this conflict can lead (if it hasn’t already done so) to a crushing political defeat for the government. Because of these reasons, dissimile social sectors have joined the claim, including: the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) and its most notorious face, Andrés Manuel López Obrador; municipal presidents; the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN); the families of the 43 students who disappeared in Ayotzinapa; and territorial, student and union organizations.
The increasing questioning of the educational reform has also served to solidify criticism against the 12 reforms that the PRI is implementing since its return to the Federal government at the end of 2012. Irene del Carmen, President of the Santo Domingo Yanhuitlán locality, said, regarding the arrival of the “Motorized Caravan of the Indigenous Peoples of Oaxaca For Peace and Justice” to Mexico City last July 19, “it is only through unity that we will achieve (…) the suppression of the 12 reforms that harm our peoples. They harm real people who walk through their rivers and their mountains, who have lived on these lands for over a thousand years”.
The most notorious incident in the conflict between the CNTE and the Mexican government at the international level is perhaps the brutal repression by federal police in Nochixtlán, Oaxaca. However, little is known about the struggle that led the inhabitants of said community to block a road. In order to elucidate this series of events, we interviewed Francisco Salas, professor and spokesman of the Jalisco-CNTE Teachers’ Front.
What’s the current status of the teachers’ struggle. What are the CNTE and the Federal Government negotiating?
At this point we believe we are very close to victory. The struggle has been very long, since it spanned over more than four years. Four years of relentless and frontal fight against the educational reform. Over this period of time, the CNTE has had a very clear demand —it is only one and it has never changed: we want more than the abrogation of the educational reform.
Needless to say, many things happened during this process. A high price was paid, precisely to be at the point where we are now, moment to negotiate. We’re talking about comrades who were killed —at least 30 dead in a four—, dozens of teachers in prison, administrative sanctions for a great many teachers and other forms of retaliation used by the state to put a limit on this struggle.
Regarding the negotiation, we’re discussing a threefold negotiation, with three negotiating tables: a political one, an educative one and a social one.
CONTINUE READING HERE .....
CNTE mantiene paro indefinido y advierte
una “escalada de represión” del gobierno
Resumen Latinoamericano - 18 de Agosto 2016
La Coordinadora Nacional de los Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) confirmó que mantendrá el paro indefinido de labores –pese al inicio del nuevo ciclo escolar la semana entrante– y denunció que el gobierno federal preparó una “escalada de represión en todas sus formas” cuando emplazó al magisterio disidente a volver a las clases.
Pasada la medianoche, después de una Asamblea Nacional Representativa que se extendió durante más de cinco horas, la CNTE difundió un documento en el que deploró “la total cerrazón” del gobierno federal después de la estéril reunión en la Secretaría de Gobernación (Segob) este martes.
“Los anuncios del gobierno federal sobre el uso de la fuerza pública para contener la movilización no es la primera vez que los hacen y en realidad lo que están anunciando es una escalada de la represión en todas sus formas: colectiva, selectiva, judicial, administrativa y laboral”, añadió.
En el documento, la CNTE también divulgó el plan de acción que aplicará las próximas semanas para reinstalar la mesa de diálogo con el gobierno federal, al que exigió “respuestas”.
Este plan contempla reuniones con padres de familia, bloqueos carreteros, acciones en puntos fronterizos, marchas, así como una conmemoración de la masacre de Nochixtlán –el próximo viernes– y una conferencia de prensa el domingo.
El sábado, la cúpula del CNTE se reunirá en asamblea para determinar un nuevo “plan táctico estratégico” y el jueves siguiente, organizará un foro con “personalidades del ámbito legislativo” para dibujar un camino hacia la abrogación de la reforma educativa.
Asimismo, la CNTE acordó llevar a cabo el 10 de septiembre el segundo foro que aspira a trazar la ruta pedagógica de México en paralelo al proceso de consulta que realiza la Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP).
Foto: Maestros de la CNTE marchan de Los Pinos al Zócalo de la CDMX, de Germán Canseco
Pasada la medianoche, después de una Asamblea Nacional Representativa que se extendió durante más de cinco horas, la CNTE difundió un documento en el que deploró “la total cerrazón” del gobierno federal después de la estéril reunión en la Secretaría de Gobernación (Segob) este martes.
“Los anuncios del gobierno federal sobre el uso de la fuerza pública para contener la movilización no es la primera vez que los hacen y en realidad lo que están anunciando es una escalada de la represión en todas sus formas: colectiva, selectiva, judicial, administrativa y laboral”, añadió.
En el documento, la CNTE también divulgó el plan de acción que aplicará las próximas semanas para reinstalar la mesa de diálogo con el gobierno federal, al que exigió “respuestas”.
Este plan contempla reuniones con padres de familia, bloqueos carreteros, acciones en puntos fronterizos, marchas, así como una conmemoración de la masacre de Nochixtlán –el próximo viernes– y una conferencia de prensa el domingo.
El sábado, la cúpula del CNTE se reunirá en asamblea para determinar un nuevo “plan táctico estratégico” y el jueves siguiente, organizará un foro con “personalidades del ámbito legislativo” para dibujar un camino hacia la abrogación de la reforma educativa.
Asimismo, la CNTE acordó llevar a cabo el 10 de septiembre el segundo foro que aspira a trazar la ruta pedagógica de México en paralelo al proceso de consulta que realiza la Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP).
Foto: Maestros de la CNTE marchan de Los Pinos al Zócalo de la CDMX, de Germán Canseco
100,000 Mexican Campesinos Protest on
Emiliano Zapata's Birthday
TeleSUR - August 8, 2016
Campesino organizations have accused the government of neglecting rural needs and failing to follow through on its land reform promises.Thousands of campesinos poured into the streets of Mexico City Monday to at once celebrate the birthday of the iconic Mexican Revolution leader Emiliano Zapata and to demand more federal government support for infrastructure and development in rural areas, local media reported.
Organized by national Autonomous Front of the Countryside, campesinos from more than a dozen Mexican states rallied at Zocalo Square at the National Palace, the city's main political hub.
After gathering at midday for a sit-in outisde the federal executive offices in the main square, the march continued toward the Ministry of the Interior, where some protesters planned to set up an encampment.
With some 130,000 protesters in 3,000 buses expected to join the march, the government deployed 3,700 security agents to patrol main protest points, while police helicopters also watched from overhead, La Jornada reported.
Protesters flew banners with slogans such as “They’ve taken everything from us, even fear” and blasted President Enrique Peña Nieto for neglecting rural communities with inadequate budgets and government inattention to land reform, a central tenet of the legendary Zapata's populist platform.
Mexico’s campesinos have suffered the consequences of more than 20 years of the North American Free Trade Agreement between Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. Launched in 1994 under then-President Bill Clinton, NAFTA has displaced 1.5 million Mexican campesinos as a flood of subsidized, cheap U.S. food imports undermined local markets and adversely impacted Mexico’s agricultural sector and food security.
Members of the Mexican Electrical Workers union and the CNTE dissident teachers union, in ongoing heated talks with the government after protests erupted in violence during a fatal police crackdown in Oaxaca in June, also joined the protest in solidarity with the campesinos and their demands, local media reported.
While the country’s campesino movements have raised distinct complaints and demands, the underlying issues also parallel the issues raised by striking dissident CNTE teachers in their fight to overhaul the country’s public education system. The union has criticized neoliberal education reforms brought in by Peña Nieto in 2013 for failing to recognize the unique education needs in rural and Indigenous communities, demanding a new approach to public education that protects it from creeping privatization.
The campesino marches coincide with the 137th birthday of the legendary Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata, a symbol of campesino resistance in the country and founding father of the Zapatismo movement from which the iconic Zapatistas of Chiapas draw their name.
Organized by national Autonomous Front of the Countryside, campesinos from more than a dozen Mexican states rallied at Zocalo Square at the National Palace, the city's main political hub.
After gathering at midday for a sit-in outisde the federal executive offices in the main square, the march continued toward the Ministry of the Interior, where some protesters planned to set up an encampment.
With some 130,000 protesters in 3,000 buses expected to join the march, the government deployed 3,700 security agents to patrol main protest points, while police helicopters also watched from overhead, La Jornada reported.
Protesters flew banners with slogans such as “They’ve taken everything from us, even fear” and blasted President Enrique Peña Nieto for neglecting rural communities with inadequate budgets and government inattention to land reform, a central tenet of the legendary Zapata's populist platform.
Mexico’s campesinos have suffered the consequences of more than 20 years of the North American Free Trade Agreement between Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. Launched in 1994 under then-President Bill Clinton, NAFTA has displaced 1.5 million Mexican campesinos as a flood of subsidized, cheap U.S. food imports undermined local markets and adversely impacted Mexico’s agricultural sector and food security.
Members of the Mexican Electrical Workers union and the CNTE dissident teachers union, in ongoing heated talks with the government after protests erupted in violence during a fatal police crackdown in Oaxaca in June, also joined the protest in solidarity with the campesinos and their demands, local media reported.
While the country’s campesino movements have raised distinct complaints and demands, the underlying issues also parallel the issues raised by striking dissident CNTE teachers in their fight to overhaul the country’s public education system. The union has criticized neoliberal education reforms brought in by Peña Nieto in 2013 for failing to recognize the unique education needs in rural and Indigenous communities, demanding a new approach to public education that protects it from creeping privatization.
The campesino marches coincide with the 137th birthday of the legendary Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata, a symbol of campesino resistance in the country and founding father of the Zapatismo movement from which the iconic Zapatistas of Chiapas draw their name.
Both Parties are Playing the Mexico Card
by Laura Carlsen - Counterpunch
August 3, 2016
Surprisingly, Mexico has taken center stage in this year’s U.S. presidential elections.
While it has been cast mainly as the villain, the unexpected spotlight has sent politicians and activists on both sides of the border seeking to get their message out. If they’ve learned anything from the Trump playbook in the past months, it’s that negative attention is still free publicity.
The July 22 visit of Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto to Washington played up Mexico’s role in U.S. electoral politics. Since Republican candidate Donald Trump first launched his peculiar brand of invective against Mexico and Mexican migrants, he and his party have been mining an unexpectedly rich vein of anti-Mexican racism and xenophobia in U.S. society. Meanwhile, Democrats and Latino rights organizations have been thrown into defensive mode.
Mexico as an election-year wedge issue was the unspoken theme of Obama and Peña Nieto’s last meeting. In the joint press conference, The Donald was the elephant in the White House. Obama began with a direct reference to he-who-shall-not-be-named: “Let me start off by saying something that bears repeating, especially given some of the heated rhetoric that we sometimes hear: The United States values tremendously our enduring partnership with Mexico and our extraordinary ties of family and friendship with the Mexican people.”
The meeting sought to remind the U.S. public that it’s impossible to cut ties with Mexico — whether by building a wall, deporting some 11 million mostly Mexican immigrants, or canceling trade agreements, all of which Trump has proposed.
It also sought to woo the Latino vote, which could make the difference in this year’s elections — a fact that both Obama and Hillary Clinton are well aware of.
For Peña Nieto, the visit offered an opportunity to score some foreign policy points just as he’s he tanking domestically. The Mexican president’s approval ratings have hit an all-time low at 29 percent. His government’s involvement and cover-up in the case of the 43 disappeared students from Ayotzinapa, the restructuring of the education system that led to widespread protests from teachers and parents, the police killing of nine of those protesters, and the peso’s freefall have left his presidency battered with two more years to go.
Peña Nieto first saw Trump’s virulent anti-Mexicanism as a way to unite the country around something that wasn’t opposition to his presidency. Now, with the Republican candidate looking like a possible winner, he backed off earlier criticisms (saying his comparison of Trump’s tone to Mussolini and Hitler was taken out of context) and repeatedly stated his willingness to work with whomever the U.S. public elects.
Of course, he has no choice. As the presidents pointed out, $1.5 billion in trade and investment cross the border every day. The two countries need each other, but Mexico’s dependency on the U.S. is particularly notorious.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is the main reason. Like leap year, NAFTA pops up every four years — when U.S. presidential candidates scramble to disassociate themselves from it.
NAFTA is especially toxic in critical blue-collar states, and there’s no getting around the fact that the agreement has been a disaster for U.S. workers. Although Trump portrays it as Mexico “winning,” it also hurt Mexicans, sending migration rates soaring in the early 1990s as small farmers were displaced en masse. Obama sunk Hillary Clinton’s boat in 2008 in part based on the Clintons’ support of NAFTA. As president, though, he turned around and promoted an expanded versión — the regional Trans-Pacific partnership, or TPP. Now the TPP may be on the ropes, as both Trump and Clinton have stated they oppose it. Trump has gone further, openly calling for renegotiation or cancellation of NAFTA.
At the press conference, the presidents walked a fine line between defending the trade relationship and avoiding providing fodder for the Trump fire. When Peña Nieto praised twenty years of NAFTA and plugged the Trans-Pacific Partnership as a continuation of that policy, Obama jumped in, stating, “We’ve learned from our experience in NAFTA what’s worked and what hasn’t.” He assured listeners that “a number of the provisions inside of the Trans-Pacific Partnership address some previous criticisms of NAFTA.”
Their united front on the issue became another opportunity to take a shot at the Trump platform: “Global integration is a fact,” Obama stated. “We’re not going to be able to build a wall around that.”
The presidents also made common cause on immigration, again with an anti-Trump subtext. Obama reiterated his commitment to comprehensive immigration reform, rebutting the Trump image of an unprecedented immigrant “invasion” by pointing out that rates of undocumented immigration were much higher during the Reagan and Bush administrations. For his part, Peña Nieto thanked the Obama administration for supporting the “35 million people of Mexican origin living in the U.S.” — a figure that highlights the Latino vote and changing demographics, but strikes fear in the hearts of Trump supporters.
One more point completed the Obama-Peña appeal to U.S. voters — a pledge to fight the heroin epidemic, which is a major campaign issue in some regions. “I applaud President Peña Nieto’s commitment to combating organized crime and for developing a new plan to curb poppy cultivation and heroin production,” Obama noted. They announced the creation of a high-level task force focused on heroin production and trafficking.
In the end, the mutual back-patting may not have done much to advance either president’s goals or stop the Trump momentum. Mexican Americans are not necessarily big Peña Nieto fans, and the nod of support to measures like the TPP and oil privatization could create distance rather than rapport with post-NAFTA economic migrants. The omission of human rights on the bilateral agenda alienates young Mexican Americans protesting Mexican government repression, and neither president seems to recognize growing skepticism around the joint drug war, which has dramatically increased violence in Mexico and driven hundreds to seek asylum in the United States.
The point is that that binational relationship is complicated. But when politics gets this polarized — and ominously visceral — real solutions vanish. The reality of the relationship today is neither the glowing scenario of the presidential summits or the doomsday scenario of the Trump camp. There’s a lot that needs to be fixed in U.S.-Mexico relations. But building border walls, spewing hate speech, and destroying migrant families won’t fix it.
Donald Trump is now leading in some polls. A Trump presidency would have grave repercussions for U.S. foreign policy throughout the world. But nowhere will it be more damaging than in the country that would be physically cut off by the new Imperial Walled Nation of the United States of America: Mexico.
While it has been cast mainly as the villain, the unexpected spotlight has sent politicians and activists on both sides of the border seeking to get their message out. If they’ve learned anything from the Trump playbook in the past months, it’s that negative attention is still free publicity.
The July 22 visit of Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto to Washington played up Mexico’s role in U.S. electoral politics. Since Republican candidate Donald Trump first launched his peculiar brand of invective against Mexico and Mexican migrants, he and his party have been mining an unexpectedly rich vein of anti-Mexican racism and xenophobia in U.S. society. Meanwhile, Democrats and Latino rights organizations have been thrown into defensive mode.
Mexico as an election-year wedge issue was the unspoken theme of Obama and Peña Nieto’s last meeting. In the joint press conference, The Donald was the elephant in the White House. Obama began with a direct reference to he-who-shall-not-be-named: “Let me start off by saying something that bears repeating, especially given some of the heated rhetoric that we sometimes hear: The United States values tremendously our enduring partnership with Mexico and our extraordinary ties of family and friendship with the Mexican people.”
The meeting sought to remind the U.S. public that it’s impossible to cut ties with Mexico — whether by building a wall, deporting some 11 million mostly Mexican immigrants, or canceling trade agreements, all of which Trump has proposed.
It also sought to woo the Latino vote, which could make the difference in this year’s elections — a fact that both Obama and Hillary Clinton are well aware of.
For Peña Nieto, the visit offered an opportunity to score some foreign policy points just as he’s he tanking domestically. The Mexican president’s approval ratings have hit an all-time low at 29 percent. His government’s involvement and cover-up in the case of the 43 disappeared students from Ayotzinapa, the restructuring of the education system that led to widespread protests from teachers and parents, the police killing of nine of those protesters, and the peso’s freefall have left his presidency battered with two more years to go.
Peña Nieto first saw Trump’s virulent anti-Mexicanism as a way to unite the country around something that wasn’t opposition to his presidency. Now, with the Republican candidate looking like a possible winner, he backed off earlier criticisms (saying his comparison of Trump’s tone to Mussolini and Hitler was taken out of context) and repeatedly stated his willingness to work with whomever the U.S. public elects.
Of course, he has no choice. As the presidents pointed out, $1.5 billion in trade and investment cross the border every day. The two countries need each other, but Mexico’s dependency on the U.S. is particularly notorious.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is the main reason. Like leap year, NAFTA pops up every four years — when U.S. presidential candidates scramble to disassociate themselves from it.
NAFTA is especially toxic in critical blue-collar states, and there’s no getting around the fact that the agreement has been a disaster for U.S. workers. Although Trump portrays it as Mexico “winning,” it also hurt Mexicans, sending migration rates soaring in the early 1990s as small farmers were displaced en masse. Obama sunk Hillary Clinton’s boat in 2008 in part based on the Clintons’ support of NAFTA. As president, though, he turned around and promoted an expanded versión — the regional Trans-Pacific partnership, or TPP. Now the TPP may be on the ropes, as both Trump and Clinton have stated they oppose it. Trump has gone further, openly calling for renegotiation or cancellation of NAFTA.
At the press conference, the presidents walked a fine line between defending the trade relationship and avoiding providing fodder for the Trump fire. When Peña Nieto praised twenty years of NAFTA and plugged the Trans-Pacific Partnership as a continuation of that policy, Obama jumped in, stating, “We’ve learned from our experience in NAFTA what’s worked and what hasn’t.” He assured listeners that “a number of the provisions inside of the Trans-Pacific Partnership address some previous criticisms of NAFTA.”
Their united front on the issue became another opportunity to take a shot at the Trump platform: “Global integration is a fact,” Obama stated. “We’re not going to be able to build a wall around that.”
The presidents also made common cause on immigration, again with an anti-Trump subtext. Obama reiterated his commitment to comprehensive immigration reform, rebutting the Trump image of an unprecedented immigrant “invasion” by pointing out that rates of undocumented immigration were much higher during the Reagan and Bush administrations. For his part, Peña Nieto thanked the Obama administration for supporting the “35 million people of Mexican origin living in the U.S.” — a figure that highlights the Latino vote and changing demographics, but strikes fear in the hearts of Trump supporters.
One more point completed the Obama-Peña appeal to U.S. voters — a pledge to fight the heroin epidemic, which is a major campaign issue in some regions. “I applaud President Peña Nieto’s commitment to combating organized crime and for developing a new plan to curb poppy cultivation and heroin production,” Obama noted. They announced the creation of a high-level task force focused on heroin production and trafficking.
In the end, the mutual back-patting may not have done much to advance either president’s goals or stop the Trump momentum. Mexican Americans are not necessarily big Peña Nieto fans, and the nod of support to measures like the TPP and oil privatization could create distance rather than rapport with post-NAFTA economic migrants. The omission of human rights on the bilateral agenda alienates young Mexican Americans protesting Mexican government repression, and neither president seems to recognize growing skepticism around the joint drug war, which has dramatically increased violence in Mexico and driven hundreds to seek asylum in the United States.
The point is that that binational relationship is complicated. But when politics gets this polarized — and ominously visceral — real solutions vanish. The reality of the relationship today is neither the glowing scenario of the presidential summits or the doomsday scenario of the Trump camp. There’s a lot that needs to be fixed in U.S.-Mexico relations. But building border walls, spewing hate speech, and destroying migrant families won’t fix it.
Donald Trump is now leading in some polls. A Trump presidency would have grave repercussions for U.S. foreign policy throughout the world. But nowhere will it be more damaging than in the country that would be physically cut off by the new Imperial Walled Nation of the United States of America: Mexico.
Periodistas mexicanos recriminan a Javier Duarte de Ochoa( del PRI) por el asesinato del periodista
Rubén Espinosa Becerril
Por Miguel Ángel León Carmona, Xalapa, Veracruz
Resumen Latinoamericano
1 de agosto 2016
Un grupo de reporteros representando a Periodistas de a Pie, Fotorreporteros MX y Ojos de Perro, arribaron a la capital veracruzana uniformados de camisetas blancas y una letra escarlata al centro, que en conjunto se leía #JusticiaparaRubén.
Esto como parte de una protesta en la que los periodistas exigen a las autoridades justicia en el multihomicidio de la Colonia Narvarte, en la Ciudad de México, que ocurrido el pasado 31 de julio de 2015 cobró la vida del ex colaborador de la Revista Proceso y Cuartoscuro, Rubén Espinosa Becerril, y de cuatro mujeres.
Asimismo, un contingente de 40 personas rodearon el palacio de gobierno de Xalapa y tapizaron edificios de la zona con carteles y fotografías.
“¡Fuiste tú! ¡Fuiste tú!” frase dibujada por reporteros y activistas, frente al palacio de gobierno de Veracruz, responsabilizando al priista, Javier Duarte de Ochoa por el asesinato de Rubén Espinosa Becerril, una de las 19 víctimas en “esta cacería de comunicadores”.
Ayer a las 11 horas, periodistas capitalinos y del estado recordaron en la ciudad de Xalapa al excolaborador de la Revista Proceso y Cuartoscuro, en su primer año luctuoso.
Lo anterior en recuerdo del multihomicidio del 31 de julio de 2015 en la colonia Narvarte, Ciudad de México, donde, además de Rubén, perdieron la vida cuatro mujeres; Nadia Vera, activista veracruzana; Mile Martín, Yesenia Quiroz y Alejandra Negrete.
El sitio de reunión fue en la Plaza Regina Martínez, nombrada así por el colectivo Voz Alterna, agrupación a la que Rubén Espinosa perteneció y que hasta la fecha condena la muerte de la también corresponsal de la Revista Proceso.
Custodiados por una patrulla de la Policía Federal, un grupo de 25 reporteros, representando a Periodistas de a Pie, Fotorreporteros MX y Ojos de Perro, arribaron a la capital veracruzana, uniformados de camisetas blancas y una letra escarlata al centro, que en conjunto se leía #JusticiaparaRubén.
La apertura del evento estuvo a cargo de la reportera Arantxa Arcos, quien fervorosa demandó: “Creímos que al exiliarse y con el paso del tiempo el hambre de los asesinos de Rubén disminuiría; pero no fue así: el 31 de julio nos enteramos que lo habían asesinado”.
Posteriormente, Marcela Turati, defensora de los Derechos Humanos de periodistas, fue llamada al micrófono ya que fue de las últimas personas con las que Espinosa Becerril se apoyó antes de perder la vida.
La también premio Gabriel García Márquez 2014, anunció la exposición de trabajos fotográficos del finado: “Rubén Espinosa tuvo un sueño: mostrar la pesadilla de vivir en Veracruz. Hoy se hará realidad”.
VEA LAS FOTOS AQUI .....
Esto como parte de una protesta en la que los periodistas exigen a las autoridades justicia en el multihomicidio de la Colonia Narvarte, en la Ciudad de México, que ocurrido el pasado 31 de julio de 2015 cobró la vida del ex colaborador de la Revista Proceso y Cuartoscuro, Rubén Espinosa Becerril, y de cuatro mujeres.
Asimismo, un contingente de 40 personas rodearon el palacio de gobierno de Xalapa y tapizaron edificios de la zona con carteles y fotografías.
“¡Fuiste tú! ¡Fuiste tú!” frase dibujada por reporteros y activistas, frente al palacio de gobierno de Veracruz, responsabilizando al priista, Javier Duarte de Ochoa por el asesinato de Rubén Espinosa Becerril, una de las 19 víctimas en “esta cacería de comunicadores”.
Ayer a las 11 horas, periodistas capitalinos y del estado recordaron en la ciudad de Xalapa al excolaborador de la Revista Proceso y Cuartoscuro, en su primer año luctuoso.
Lo anterior en recuerdo del multihomicidio del 31 de julio de 2015 en la colonia Narvarte, Ciudad de México, donde, además de Rubén, perdieron la vida cuatro mujeres; Nadia Vera, activista veracruzana; Mile Martín, Yesenia Quiroz y Alejandra Negrete.
El sitio de reunión fue en la Plaza Regina Martínez, nombrada así por el colectivo Voz Alterna, agrupación a la que Rubén Espinosa perteneció y que hasta la fecha condena la muerte de la también corresponsal de la Revista Proceso.
Custodiados por una patrulla de la Policía Federal, un grupo de 25 reporteros, representando a Periodistas de a Pie, Fotorreporteros MX y Ojos de Perro, arribaron a la capital veracruzana, uniformados de camisetas blancas y una letra escarlata al centro, que en conjunto se leía #JusticiaparaRubén.
La apertura del evento estuvo a cargo de la reportera Arantxa Arcos, quien fervorosa demandó: “Creímos que al exiliarse y con el paso del tiempo el hambre de los asesinos de Rubén disminuiría; pero no fue así: el 31 de julio nos enteramos que lo habían asesinado”.
Posteriormente, Marcela Turati, defensora de los Derechos Humanos de periodistas, fue llamada al micrófono ya que fue de las últimas personas con las que Espinosa Becerril se apoyó antes de perder la vida.
La también premio Gabriel García Márquez 2014, anunció la exposición de trabajos fotográficos del finado: “Rubén Espinosa tuvo un sueño: mostrar la pesadilla de vivir en Veracruz. Hoy se hará realidad”.
VEA LAS FOTOS AQUI .....
Comunicado zapatista ante el ataque violento sufrido por maestros y maestras de la CNTE
Resumen Latinoamericano
22 de Julio 2016
EJÉRCITO ZAPATISTA DE LIBERACIÓN NACIONAL
21 de Julio del 2016.
A quien sea ahora el gobernador en funciones y demás capataces del suroriental estado mexicano de Chiapas:
Damas (já) y Caballeros (doble já):
No reciban nuestros saludos.
Antes de que se les ocurra inventar (como ya está haciendo la PGR en Nochixtlán, Oaxaca) que la cobarde agresión contra el campamento de resistencia popular en San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, fue orquestada por ISIS, les pasamos, gratis, el informe que hemos recabado:
Las siguientes son palabras de un hermano indígena partidista (PRI) de San Juan Chamula, Chiapas, México:
“A las 9 de la mañana (del día 20 de julio del 2016) llamaron a los del Verde a su casa del gobernador. Ahí regresaron y que les dijeron que hagan como hicieron el otro día.
(NOTA: se refiere a cuando un grupo de indígenas del Partido Verde Ecologista se pusieron pasamontañas y fueron a hacer desmanes en el bloqueo de San Cristóbal y en Tuxtla Gutiérrez, capital de Chiapas. Cuando fueron detenidos por la seguridad de la CNTE primero dijeron que eran zapatistas (no lo eran, ni lo son, ni lo serán), luego ya dijeron que son partidistas.
Pero que esta vez iban a ir a dialogar, para que los del bloqueo dejaran pasar los camiones de los chamulas que hacen comercio en Tuxtla. El presidente municipal (del Verde Ecologista) puso las patrullas y la ambulancia locales. El de San Cristóbal otro tanto de policía. Los gobiernos de Tuxtla un buen tanto más. De por sí hicieron trato con los policías, o sea que tenían su plan pues. Y entonces llegaron como que quieren dialogar y un grupo se cruzó y entonces empezaron a romper todo, a robar y a quemar, o sea que por dos lados los agarraron....
CONTINUE LEYENDO AQUI ......
21 de Julio del 2016.
A quien sea ahora el gobernador en funciones y demás capataces del suroriental estado mexicano de Chiapas:
Damas (já) y Caballeros (doble já):
No reciban nuestros saludos.
Antes de que se les ocurra inventar (como ya está haciendo la PGR en Nochixtlán, Oaxaca) que la cobarde agresión contra el campamento de resistencia popular en San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, fue orquestada por ISIS, les pasamos, gratis, el informe que hemos recabado:
Las siguientes son palabras de un hermano indígena partidista (PRI) de San Juan Chamula, Chiapas, México:
“A las 9 de la mañana (del día 20 de julio del 2016) llamaron a los del Verde a su casa del gobernador. Ahí regresaron y que les dijeron que hagan como hicieron el otro día.
(NOTA: se refiere a cuando un grupo de indígenas del Partido Verde Ecologista se pusieron pasamontañas y fueron a hacer desmanes en el bloqueo de San Cristóbal y en Tuxtla Gutiérrez, capital de Chiapas. Cuando fueron detenidos por la seguridad de la CNTE primero dijeron que eran zapatistas (no lo eran, ni lo son, ni lo serán), luego ya dijeron que son partidistas.
Pero que esta vez iban a ir a dialogar, para que los del bloqueo dejaran pasar los camiones de los chamulas que hacen comercio en Tuxtla. El presidente municipal (del Verde Ecologista) puso las patrullas y la ambulancia locales. El de San Cristóbal otro tanto de policía. Los gobiernos de Tuxtla un buen tanto más. De por sí hicieron trato con los policías, o sea que tenían su plan pues. Y entonces llegaron como que quieren dialogar y un grupo se cruzó y entonces empezaron a romper todo, a robar y a quemar, o sea que por dos lados los agarraron....
CONTINUE LEYENDO AQUI ......
A un mes de la masacre en Nochixtlán
la resistencia va en aumento
Por Valentina Valle y Aldo Santiago / Resumen Latinoamericano / Avispa
24 de Julio 2016
El ataque al pueblo de Asunción Nochixtlán, Oaxaca, perpetrado por la policía estatal y la gendarmería el día 19 de junio de 2016, en el contexto del levantamiento popular que acompañó la resistencia magisterial en contra de la imposición de la reforma educativa, no fue un desalojo violento de una barricada, fue la enésima ofensiva del gobierno federal para someter uno de los estados más orgullosos y combativos de la República Mexicana. Una vez más, el intento no tuvo éxito. Oaxaca está golpeado, está dolido, pero no está derrotado. Más bien, Oaxaca está furioso.
A dos días del primer aniversario luctuoso de los caídos en Nochixtlán y Hacienda Blanca, el movimiento popular no ha dejado de crecer y fortalecerse y el domingo 17 de julio se ha reunido en una caravana para la defensa de la autonomía, la educación y el territorio, organizada por los maestros de la Sección 22, los padres y madres de familia y las autoridades agrarias de más de 150 municipio del estado. Una ceremonia tradicional despidió a los participantes, que al salir de la ciudad fueron recibidos ya en la caseta de Huitzo por vecinos solidarios.
Este movimiento dejó de ser magisterial, ahora es un movimiento social porque a través de todas las reformas estructurales ha hecho que la gente despierte. En todos los pueblos nos estamos organizando para levantar la voz porque ya es tiempo que todos levantemos la voz y gritemos que estamos en desacuerdo con la política del gobierno federal y también del gobierno estatal. (…)
Lo del desabasto es una total mentira y es lo que al gobierno le conviene que crean todos pero nosotros somos los del pueblo y estamos viendo que no es cierto porque aquí hay de todo, campesinos que siembran tomates, calabacitas, ejotes, tienen sus gallinas sus toros todo tipo de cosas que podemos consumir. Si habrá desabasto pero en el caso de las transnacionales que son las que surten a las grandes tiendas, años grandes negocios, y creo que ellos n los que sintieron mas esta situación, porque nosotros siempre hemos consumido lo que consumidos en nuestros pueblos.
A dos días del primer aniversario luctuoso de los caídos en Nochixtlán y Hacienda Blanca, el movimiento popular no ha dejado de crecer y fortalecerse y el domingo 17 de julio se ha reunido en una caravana para la defensa de la autonomía, la educación y el territorio, organizada por los maestros de la Sección 22, los padres y madres de familia y las autoridades agrarias de más de 150 municipio del estado. Una ceremonia tradicional despidió a los participantes, que al salir de la ciudad fueron recibidos ya en la caseta de Huitzo por vecinos solidarios.
Este movimiento dejó de ser magisterial, ahora es un movimiento social porque a través de todas las reformas estructurales ha hecho que la gente despierte. En todos los pueblos nos estamos organizando para levantar la voz porque ya es tiempo que todos levantemos la voz y gritemos que estamos en desacuerdo con la política del gobierno federal y también del gobierno estatal. (…)
Lo del desabasto es una total mentira y es lo que al gobierno le conviene que crean todos pero nosotros somos los del pueblo y estamos viendo que no es cierto porque aquí hay de todo, campesinos que siembran tomates, calabacitas, ejotes, tienen sus gallinas sus toros todo tipo de cosas que podemos consumir. Si habrá desabasto pero en el caso de las transnacionales que son las que surten a las grandes tiendas, años grandes negocios, y creo que ellos n los que sintieron mas esta situación, porque nosotros siempre hemos consumido lo que consumidos en nuestros pueblos.
No to Mexican State Terrorism and Criminalization of Resistance! Peoples' Human Rights Observatory Calls for
Dialogue with Teachers
TML Weekly
July 16, 2016
In order to impose its reforms to the education system, the Mexican government has started a war against the democratic teachers, which has now broadened to all sectors of the population who support them. Amongst the outcomes of this repression can be counted ten deaths, the imprisonment of union leaders, attacks on whole communities and the undermining of the most essential human rights. The point has been reached where the defenders of human rights have been defamed, as has been the case with the monitors of the newly-founded Human Rights Observatory. This defamation aims to lay the groundwork for further repressive measures against human rights defenders, which has been denounced by the Council for Defence of the Rights of the People -- National People's Power Movement (CODEP-MNPP)
At this time, the rights that are recognized by the Mexican Constitution have been suspended without any official pronouncements. With this not only is article 29 of the Mexican Constitution [governing temporary suspension of constitutional provisions] violated but also the guarantees of the right to assembly of human beings and citizens included in the Constitution, which will soon have been in place for a century, but have rarely been put into effect.
The situation is extremely serious. The government relies upon brute force, outside any judicial orders (even though they invoke laws in their speeches). It is urgent to establish a negotiating table with the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) [teachers' union], with the aim of analyzing in public the true reach of the administrative and labour reforms which have been imposed on the teachers, and to advance towards true education reforms and not punitive measures. This is the root cause of the legitimate struggle of the teachers belonging to the CNTE. This struggle must lead to immediate freedom for the imprisoned teachers, re-hiring of those who have been fired and the payment of overdue salaries and normalization of the treatment of those who defend education which is public, general and free.
Report from Information Bulletin of the Oaxaca Chapter of Peoples' Human Rights Observatory on Repression of TeachersYesterday, Sunday, June 19, the federal police, the national gendarmerie and the state police of Mexico and Oaxaca carried out operations against the peoples of Oaxaca, on the Oaxaca-Mexico highway, at the entrance to Nochixtlán.
In the face of major repression leading to 10 deaths, 94 wounded and 22 disappeared, the population of the municipality of Nochixtlán, Oaxaca are outraged and [insistent] that this aggression was completely unjustified.
The community declared in an interview:
"President Enrique Peña Nieto refuses to talk with the teachers and the people because we do not accept the education reform being imposed on us, because if it is allowed it will deny the right of education to the children and youth of the state."
"The hospitals denied medical attention to the wounded population due to orders received from state and federal authorities. In this aggression paramilitaries beat up doctors and nurses who valiantly served the wounded population and teachers."
On account of this, the Oaxaca chapter of the Peoples' Human Rights Observatory declares:
1. The people of Oaxaca and the teachers have united in defence of public education, general and free, and against the reforms to privatize education, peacefully and in accordance with constitutional laws.
2. For the same reasons the people and the teachers continue to organize themselves peacefully to demand:
- The education reform proposed by the President of Mexico Enrique Peña Nieto be repealed.
- Justice in the face of the aggression against the people of Oaxaca and teachers.
- An end to the repression and to not permit Oaxaca to become a military camp.
- Respect for constitutional guarantees and human rights as laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenants on human rights.
In conclusion:
As witnesses of the Peoples' Human Rights Observatory we have seen the aggression of the federal and state police who, with hoods and civilian dress shot, beat, assassinated and disappeared civilians and teachers with impunity. Those in uniform fired from a helicopter, a plane and from the rooftops of the hotels and nearby buildings towards the site of the aggression.
The human rights observers of the people therefore call upon national and international human rights organizations to send their groups of observers to testify to all these crimes against humanity in Oaxaca.
(Oaxaca de Juarez, Oaxaca, Mexico, June 20, 2016)
At this time, the rights that are recognized by the Mexican Constitution have been suspended without any official pronouncements. With this not only is article 29 of the Mexican Constitution [governing temporary suspension of constitutional provisions] violated but also the guarantees of the right to assembly of human beings and citizens included in the Constitution, which will soon have been in place for a century, but have rarely been put into effect.
The situation is extremely serious. The government relies upon brute force, outside any judicial orders (even though they invoke laws in their speeches). It is urgent to establish a negotiating table with the Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) [teachers' union], with the aim of analyzing in public the true reach of the administrative and labour reforms which have been imposed on the teachers, and to advance towards true education reforms and not punitive measures. This is the root cause of the legitimate struggle of the teachers belonging to the CNTE. This struggle must lead to immediate freedom for the imprisoned teachers, re-hiring of those who have been fired and the payment of overdue salaries and normalization of the treatment of those who defend education which is public, general and free.
Report from Information Bulletin of the Oaxaca Chapter of Peoples' Human Rights Observatory on Repression of TeachersYesterday, Sunday, June 19, the federal police, the national gendarmerie and the state police of Mexico and Oaxaca carried out operations against the peoples of Oaxaca, on the Oaxaca-Mexico highway, at the entrance to Nochixtlán.
In the face of major repression leading to 10 deaths, 94 wounded and 22 disappeared, the population of the municipality of Nochixtlán, Oaxaca are outraged and [insistent] that this aggression was completely unjustified.
The community declared in an interview:
"President Enrique Peña Nieto refuses to talk with the teachers and the people because we do not accept the education reform being imposed on us, because if it is allowed it will deny the right of education to the children and youth of the state."
"The hospitals denied medical attention to the wounded population due to orders received from state and federal authorities. In this aggression paramilitaries beat up doctors and nurses who valiantly served the wounded population and teachers."
On account of this, the Oaxaca chapter of the Peoples' Human Rights Observatory declares:
1. The people of Oaxaca and the teachers have united in defence of public education, general and free, and against the reforms to privatize education, peacefully and in accordance with constitutional laws.
2. For the same reasons the people and the teachers continue to organize themselves peacefully to demand:
- The education reform proposed by the President of Mexico Enrique Peña Nieto be repealed.
- Justice in the face of the aggression against the people of Oaxaca and teachers.
- An end to the repression and to not permit Oaxaca to become a military camp.
- Respect for constitutional guarantees and human rights as laid out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenants on human rights.
In conclusion:
As witnesses of the Peoples' Human Rights Observatory we have seen the aggression of the federal and state police who, with hoods and civilian dress shot, beat, assassinated and disappeared civilians and teachers with impunity. Those in uniform fired from a helicopter, a plane and from the rooftops of the hotels and nearby buildings towards the site of the aggression.
The human rights observers of the people therefore call upon national and international human rights organizations to send their groups of observers to testify to all these crimes against humanity in Oaxaca.
(Oaxaca de Juarez, Oaxaca, Mexico, June 20, 2016)
Mitin de padres de los 43 y CNTE frente a PGR
Laura Poy Solano - Resumen Latinoamericano
11 jul 2016
Familiares de los 43 normalistas desaparecidos exigieron la destitución de Tomás Zerón al frente de la Agencia de Investigación Criminal de la PGR.Después de permanecer por cerca de dos horas frente a las instalaciones de la Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) para demandar la destitución de Tomás Zerón de Lucio como titular de la Unidad de Investigación Criminal, padres de los 43 normalistas desaparecidos y profesores disidentes concluyeron su mitin.
Alrededor de la 1:30 pm, decenas de educadores se trasladan en operación hormiga hacia el plantón que mantienen en la Plaza de la Ciudadela, de donde nuevamente se movilizarán para participar en la marcha convocada por la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) de la residencia oficial de Los Pinos a la Secretaría de Gobernación (SG) a las cuatro de la tarde.
Los manifestantes mantuvieron bloqueados los carriles centrales de avenida Paseo de la Reforma a su cruce con la calle de Río Neva, los cuales ya fueron abiertos a la circulación.
Alrededor de la 1:30 pm, decenas de educadores se trasladan en operación hormiga hacia el plantón que mantienen en la Plaza de la Ciudadela, de donde nuevamente se movilizarán para participar en la marcha convocada por la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) de la residencia oficial de Los Pinos a la Secretaría de Gobernación (SG) a las cuatro de la tarde.
Los manifestantes mantuvieron bloqueados los carriles centrales de avenida Paseo de la Reforma a su cruce con la calle de Río Neva, los cuales ya fueron abiertos a la circulación.
CNTE en alerta ante actos de represión por parte del Estado mexicano
Resumen Latinoamericano
2 julio 2016
Los maestros de la CNTE aseguran que el ultimatun del Gobierno es una medida desesperada ante el reconocimiento que han obtenido sus protestas.
La Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) de México solicitó a organizaciones de derechos humanos nacionales e internacionales que estén alerta y actuantes para denunciar y evitar cualquier acto de represión o violencia contra los quienes se manifiestan en rechazo a la reforma educativa.
Los educadores calificaron el ultimátum del secretario de Gobernación Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong como una forma de “preparar el terreno para escaladas represivas, moviendo la opinión pública con información falsa hacia la necesidad de garantizar alimentos y combustible para la población, aunque sea con el uso de la fuerza”.
Este viernes 1 de julio Osorio Chong sostuvo, en declaración a los medios de comunicación, que “se ha agotado el tiempo” y “los bloqueos y las afectaciones a los ciudadanos deben de terminar (…) Las afectaciones a la ciudadanía deben de terminase. Por ello, en breve, se estarán tomando las decisiones necesarias para permitir el tránsito en vías estratégicas y el abastecimiento de las comunidades”.Respecto a esto, los maestros de la CNTE señalaron que la advertencia no es más que una medida desesperada ante las actividades contundentes y pacíficas que realiza la organización en diferentes estados del país.
Por su parte, la Sección 22 del Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (SNTE) y CNTE resaltó que en Oaxaca “la única carencia, es de gobernabilidad”.
Por medio de un comunicado, los educadores de esta sección responsabilizaron al presidente de México, Enrique Peña Nieto, así como al gobernador Gabino Cué del daño a la integridad física y psicológica de padres y madres de familia, de su gremio y de menores que ha sido agredido sin mediar diálogo.
En el texto, también advierten que la amenaza del secretario de Gobernación para quitar los bloqueos, responsabilizando al magisterio de un supuesto desabasto que no existe, solo demuestran que en Oaxaca, la única carencia es de gobernabilidad.
“Ante la amenaza y doble discurso que sigue manejando uno de los autores intelectuales de la masacre en Nochixtlán, Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, de reprimir al pueblo de Oaxaca justificando su nueva agresión con un supuesto desabasto de productos de la canasta básica, más bien obedece a la presión de empresarios de quienes son serviles incondicionales”, aseguran.
Desde el inicio de las manifestaciones en contra de la reforma educativa, promovida por Peña Nieto, los maestros han manifestado su disposición al diálogo y negociación para el beneficio del pueblo y la educación de México.
La Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE) de México solicitó a organizaciones de derechos humanos nacionales e internacionales que estén alerta y actuantes para denunciar y evitar cualquier acto de represión o violencia contra los quienes se manifiestan en rechazo a la reforma educativa.
Los educadores calificaron el ultimátum del secretario de Gobernación Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong como una forma de “preparar el terreno para escaladas represivas, moviendo la opinión pública con información falsa hacia la necesidad de garantizar alimentos y combustible para la población, aunque sea con el uso de la fuerza”.
Este viernes 1 de julio Osorio Chong sostuvo, en declaración a los medios de comunicación, que “se ha agotado el tiempo” y “los bloqueos y las afectaciones a los ciudadanos deben de terminar (…) Las afectaciones a la ciudadanía deben de terminase. Por ello, en breve, se estarán tomando las decisiones necesarias para permitir el tránsito en vías estratégicas y el abastecimiento de las comunidades”.Respecto a esto, los maestros de la CNTE señalaron que la advertencia no es más que una medida desesperada ante las actividades contundentes y pacíficas que realiza la organización en diferentes estados del país.
Por su parte, la Sección 22 del Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (SNTE) y CNTE resaltó que en Oaxaca “la única carencia, es de gobernabilidad”.
Por medio de un comunicado, los educadores de esta sección responsabilizaron al presidente de México, Enrique Peña Nieto, así como al gobernador Gabino Cué del daño a la integridad física y psicológica de padres y madres de familia, de su gremio y de menores que ha sido agredido sin mediar diálogo.
En el texto, también advierten que la amenaza del secretario de Gobernación para quitar los bloqueos, responsabilizando al magisterio de un supuesto desabasto que no existe, solo demuestran que en Oaxaca, la única carencia es de gobernabilidad.
“Ante la amenaza y doble discurso que sigue manejando uno de los autores intelectuales de la masacre en Nochixtlán, Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, de reprimir al pueblo de Oaxaca justificando su nueva agresión con un supuesto desabasto de productos de la canasta básica, más bien obedece a la presión de empresarios de quienes son serviles incondicionales”, aseguran.
Desde el inicio de las manifestaciones en contra de la reforma educativa, promovida por Peña Nieto, los maestros han manifestado su disposición al diálogo y negociación para el beneficio del pueblo y la educación de México.
12 muertos, 25 desaparecidos y decenas de heridos por represión en Oaxaca
Se extienden las protestas de maestros en otros Estados
Resumen Latinoamericano
Junio 20, 2016
La CNTE publicó los nombres de los extraviados. Los maestros siguen unidos y movilizados pese al asedio policial.Hasta ahora suman 12 muertos, 25 desaparecidos y decenas de heridos, luego del brutal desalojo de maestros en el sureño estado mexicano de Oaxaca, por parte de la policía, así lo informó la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (CNTE).
La corresponsal de teleSUR en México, Aissa García, detalló que del total de los fallecimientos, 12 ocurrieron en Nochixtlan, uno en Hacienda Blanca y otro en Juchitán.
En entrevista a teleSUR, el presidente de la Liga Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, Adrián Ramírez, expresó su preocupación por los desaparecidos, debido a que en el país tienen el antecedente de los 43 estudiantes de Ayotzinapa, cuyo caso aún no está resuelto.
El vocero agregó que parte de estas personas pueden estar detenidas.
En este sentido, Ramírez precisó que es frecuente que las detenciones se oficialicen después de horas de la desaparición de las personas cuando, posteriormente, van a aparecer en centros de alta seguridad.
“Hay una gran cantidad de personas en calidad de desaparecidas y por lo tanto la autoridad tiene que responder”, señaló.
Las movilizaciones continuarán:
El corresponsal de teleSUR, Fernando Camacho, informó que se prevé que las movilizaciones y los bloqueos en las carreteras sigan para exigir que no haya represión y reiterar la solicitud de diálogo al Gobierno.
Camacho detalló que en Oaxaca se vive un ambiente de mucha crispación e indignación por la represión y confirmó que dos periodistas fueron asesinados en Juchitán.
Acotó que han ocurrido algunos saqueos adjudicados por la CNTE a grupos de provocadores. La finalidad de los mismos es responsabilizar luego a los maestros para reprimirlos, dijo la CNTE citada por el enviado especial.
Piden intervención de observadores internacionales:
Por su parte, Daniela González López, del Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de los Pueblos capítulo Oaxaca, desmintió las versiones que maneja el Gobierno y destacó que hoy más que nunca los maestros y el pueblo están unidos en defensa de la educación pública.
En entrevista con teleSUR, condenó la represión y advirtió que lo ocurrido en Oaxaca atenta contra los derechos fundamentales de la población y del magisterio.
También denunció que durante el desalojo había integrantes de la policía preventiva vestidos de civil y francotiradores efectuando disparos.
Solicitó además la intervención de organismos de Derechos Humanos, de las Naciones Unidas y de observadores internacionales para que recaben información sobre las violaciones que se están sufriendo y hagan un monitoreo para la defensa de los DD.HH.
En contexto:
El Comisionado de la Policía Federal, Enrique Galindo Cevallos, reconoció la noche de este domingo que elementos de su corporación sí estaban armados durante el brutal desalojo de maestros en Oaxaca, cuyo gobernador Gabino Cué dijo que eran seis muertos y 51 heridos, además de 25 detenidos, cifras que la CNTE desmiente, pues es mayor.
La CNTE tiene unos 200 mil afiliados en México, 80 mil de ellos en Oaxaca, y es uno de los gremios latinoamericanos que durante años ha mantenido su lucha por mejores reivindicaciones y beneficios sociales.
Organizaciones sociales, académicos e intelectuales de México y otros 14 países instaron al Gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto a no reprimir más las manifestaciones del sindicato magisterial y que, en lugar de ello, se siente con el grupo que exige “justas demandas” y busque soluciones apropiadas.
Bajo la premisa de “elevar la calidad educativa del país”, la reforma educativa de 2013 impulsada por Peña Nieto plantea la evaluación obligatoria, para que los maestros puedan ingresar y mantenerse dentro del sistema educativo.
Los docentes quieren, entre otras cosas, derogar esta disposición que ha causados miles de despidos injustificados.
Mientras en el mundo crece el repudio internacional contra este acto de violencia que acaba con la vida de manifestantes.
La corresponsal de teleSUR en México, Aissa García, detalló que del total de los fallecimientos, 12 ocurrieron en Nochixtlan, uno en Hacienda Blanca y otro en Juchitán.
En entrevista a teleSUR, el presidente de la Liga Mexicana de Derechos Humanos, Adrián Ramírez, expresó su preocupación por los desaparecidos, debido a que en el país tienen el antecedente de los 43 estudiantes de Ayotzinapa, cuyo caso aún no está resuelto.
El vocero agregó que parte de estas personas pueden estar detenidas.
En este sentido, Ramírez precisó que es frecuente que las detenciones se oficialicen después de horas de la desaparición de las personas cuando, posteriormente, van a aparecer en centros de alta seguridad.
“Hay una gran cantidad de personas en calidad de desaparecidas y por lo tanto la autoridad tiene que responder”, señaló.
Las movilizaciones continuarán:
El corresponsal de teleSUR, Fernando Camacho, informó que se prevé que las movilizaciones y los bloqueos en las carreteras sigan para exigir que no haya represión y reiterar la solicitud de diálogo al Gobierno.
Camacho detalló que en Oaxaca se vive un ambiente de mucha crispación e indignación por la represión y confirmó que dos periodistas fueron asesinados en Juchitán.
Acotó que han ocurrido algunos saqueos adjudicados por la CNTE a grupos de provocadores. La finalidad de los mismos es responsabilizar luego a los maestros para reprimirlos, dijo la CNTE citada por el enviado especial.
Piden intervención de observadores internacionales:
Por su parte, Daniela González López, del Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de los Pueblos capítulo Oaxaca, desmintió las versiones que maneja el Gobierno y destacó que hoy más que nunca los maestros y el pueblo están unidos en defensa de la educación pública.
En entrevista con teleSUR, condenó la represión y advirtió que lo ocurrido en Oaxaca atenta contra los derechos fundamentales de la población y del magisterio.
También denunció que durante el desalojo había integrantes de la policía preventiva vestidos de civil y francotiradores efectuando disparos.
Solicitó además la intervención de organismos de Derechos Humanos, de las Naciones Unidas y de observadores internacionales para que recaben información sobre las violaciones que se están sufriendo y hagan un monitoreo para la defensa de los DD.HH.
En contexto:
El Comisionado de la Policía Federal, Enrique Galindo Cevallos, reconoció la noche de este domingo que elementos de su corporación sí estaban armados durante el brutal desalojo de maestros en Oaxaca, cuyo gobernador Gabino Cué dijo que eran seis muertos y 51 heridos, además de 25 detenidos, cifras que la CNTE desmiente, pues es mayor.
La CNTE tiene unos 200 mil afiliados en México, 80 mil de ellos en Oaxaca, y es uno de los gremios latinoamericanos que durante años ha mantenido su lucha por mejores reivindicaciones y beneficios sociales.
Organizaciones sociales, académicos e intelectuales de México y otros 14 países instaron al Gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto a no reprimir más las manifestaciones del sindicato magisterial y que, en lugar de ello, se siente con el grupo que exige “justas demandas” y busque soluciones apropiadas.
Bajo la premisa de “elevar la calidad educativa del país”, la reforma educativa de 2013 impulsada por Peña Nieto plantea la evaluación obligatoria, para que los maestros puedan ingresar y mantenerse dentro del sistema educativo.
Los docentes quieren, entre otras cosas, derogar esta disposición que ha causados miles de despidos injustificados.
Mientras en el mundo crece el repudio internacional contra este acto de violencia que acaba con la vida de manifestantes.
The power of Money Wins
By Gerardo Fernández Casanova
Source Resumen Latinoamericano / The Dawn News
June, 8, 2016
Amidst the electoral process held last June 5 in Mexico an earthquake of significant proportions was registered. The PRI(1) fell into the hands of the PAN(2), in 7 out of the 12 state governments that were compromised. The PAN won some locations on its own, and others, in alliance with the PRD(3).
MORENA(4), López Obrador’s party, registered an important electoral progress and even though it didn’t obtain none electoral triumph, it’s consolidating as the main political force in the capital of the country and it’s affirming the possibility that the candidacy of López Obrador could be successful in the presidential elections of 2018.
Peña Nieto was defeated —even though his spokesmen are saying he didn’t participate—. His negative image in the public opinion was reflected on the governors of his Party and most of them lost the positions they had. The PRD, and its confusing proposal of calling itself “left” but aligning with the right (PAN), was also defeated.
The so-called “democratic theorists” are celebrating the triumph of “alternance”: as they do when in the US two different leaders, who actually represent the same interests, transfer power from one to another. Oligarchies always win and they always celebrate the “exemplary democratic process”, as they call it.
Electorally, the conservative preferences of the voters are confirmed once again, more than ⅔ of the electorate has chosen the right: either the PRI or the PAN, as has happened since 2000, the year in which we have allegedly inaugurated democracy. We must pay attention to this matter.
The most remarkable characteristic of the recent process is impudence: a campaign of corrupt leaders against other corrupt leaders (maybe except in Chihuahua where a real member of the PAN won) in which huge amounts of money were spent and whose origin is, at least, quite doubtful. “Vote buying”, either if it was pro-government or from the opposition, marked the contest with its corrupting effect: it might have been through giving cash, handouts or construction supplies, they determined the electoral will of an impoverished and uneducated society.
There was no debate on electoral platforms. And if candidates had a proposal, they were overshadowed by the “commodification of votes”(5). The left, that was represented by MORENA, with no funds and no presence in mass media could not successfully compete in this huge electoral system but it was able to benefit from the dirty war between the candidates of the right forces, as happened in Veracruz.
An extraordinary process took place in Mexico City to choose the members of the Constitutional Assembly of the new Federative Entity. This has been a great dream of all left forces, probably since the end of the last century: the constitutional reform that would replace the district regime of the federation by a Federative Entity. Sadly, this process did not have the expected impact among the common people and the participation in the new local constitution was quite low. Also, those who participated could only choose 60% of the members of the Assembly, which might have been very discouraging. The rest of the members are elected by the President, the Head of Government, the Senators Chamber and the Deputies Chamber. MORENA obtained most of the votes and raises as the first electoral force in the capital, unfortunately it can’t overcome the percentage that the right has obtained in the designation made by the aforementioned institutions.
The analysis of the Mexican reality paints a dreadful picture, full of corruption, which can’t be controlled by the current legislation. And those who could change the legislation are, again, the same corrupt leaders of the PRI and the PAN. MORENA has little room for manoeuvres to influence the other forces, even less so if we take into account that most of the alleged “flaws” of the law were embraced precisely to leave López Obrador out of the electoral process.
A massive and popular mobilization is needed to create a new constitution that, among other things, can correct the current electoral law. Otherwise, we will continue watching the same worn-out and rotten horror movie: also with a very bad translation from English.
___________________________________________________________________
MORENA(4), López Obrador’s party, registered an important electoral progress and even though it didn’t obtain none electoral triumph, it’s consolidating as the main political force in the capital of the country and it’s affirming the possibility that the candidacy of López Obrador could be successful in the presidential elections of 2018.
Peña Nieto was defeated —even though his spokesmen are saying he didn’t participate—. His negative image in the public opinion was reflected on the governors of his Party and most of them lost the positions they had. The PRD, and its confusing proposal of calling itself “left” but aligning with the right (PAN), was also defeated.
The so-called “democratic theorists” are celebrating the triumph of “alternance”: as they do when in the US two different leaders, who actually represent the same interests, transfer power from one to another. Oligarchies always win and they always celebrate the “exemplary democratic process”, as they call it.
Electorally, the conservative preferences of the voters are confirmed once again, more than ⅔ of the electorate has chosen the right: either the PRI or the PAN, as has happened since 2000, the year in which we have allegedly inaugurated democracy. We must pay attention to this matter.
The most remarkable characteristic of the recent process is impudence: a campaign of corrupt leaders against other corrupt leaders (maybe except in Chihuahua where a real member of the PAN won) in which huge amounts of money were spent and whose origin is, at least, quite doubtful. “Vote buying”, either if it was pro-government or from the opposition, marked the contest with its corrupting effect: it might have been through giving cash, handouts or construction supplies, they determined the electoral will of an impoverished and uneducated society.
There was no debate on electoral platforms. And if candidates had a proposal, they were overshadowed by the “commodification of votes”(5). The left, that was represented by MORENA, with no funds and no presence in mass media could not successfully compete in this huge electoral system but it was able to benefit from the dirty war between the candidates of the right forces, as happened in Veracruz.
An extraordinary process took place in Mexico City to choose the members of the Constitutional Assembly of the new Federative Entity. This has been a great dream of all left forces, probably since the end of the last century: the constitutional reform that would replace the district regime of the federation by a Federative Entity. Sadly, this process did not have the expected impact among the common people and the participation in the new local constitution was quite low. Also, those who participated could only choose 60% of the members of the Assembly, which might have been very discouraging. The rest of the members are elected by the President, the Head of Government, the Senators Chamber and the Deputies Chamber. MORENA obtained most of the votes and raises as the first electoral force in the capital, unfortunately it can’t overcome the percentage that the right has obtained in the designation made by the aforementioned institutions.
The analysis of the Mexican reality paints a dreadful picture, full of corruption, which can’t be controlled by the current legislation. And those who could change the legislation are, again, the same corrupt leaders of the PRI and the PAN. MORENA has little room for manoeuvres to influence the other forces, even less so if we take into account that most of the alleged “flaws” of the law were embraced precisely to leave López Obrador out of the electoral process.
A massive and popular mobilization is needed to create a new constitution that, among other things, can correct the current electoral law. Otherwise, we will continue watching the same worn-out and rotten horror movie: also with a very bad translation from English.
___________________________________________________________________
- PRI: The Institutional Revolutionary Party
- PAN The conservative National Action Party
- PRD: The Party of the Democratic Revolution
- MORENA: The National Regeneration Movement
- This concept was originally coined to refer to the offering of incentives so that a person would vote for certain candidate.
¡LA REFORMA CON SANGRE Y SECUESTROS NO ENTRA!
NOS FALTAN 43!!!
COORDINADORA NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES DE LA EDUCACION
MADRUGADA DEL 21 DE MAYO DE 2016
Al filo de las 2:00 de la mañana de este día 21 de mayo de 2016, el Gobierno Federal, escondido en la obscuridad como lo hacen los ladrones, cumplimenta a través de la Policía Federal la acción que dejaran inconclusa el día de ayer en un acto similar frente a la Secretaria de Gobernación.
Ante su falta de argumentos para dar la atención debida al magisterio inconforme con la Ley Educativa, puesto que no han logrado demostrar a lo largo de tres años donde están las “bondades” y “beneficios de una reforma totalmente injusta; ahora el único argumento que les quedo fue la amenaza y la coacción.
El 15 de mayo que inicio la presente etapa de la Jornada, nuevamente nos apersonamos en la SEGOB, para manifestar nuestra demanda de atención, la cual fue negada por funcionarios tras las vallas metálicas, lo cual nos obligó a instalar un primer campamento en la calle de Bucareli, después de cuatro días y ante el fracaso de la evaluación en Michoacán; el Gobierno Federal hace un primer intento de que abandonemos la Ciudad de México, con amenazas de golpear y detener a compañeros nos emplazan cerca de las tres de la mañana a abandonar el plantón so pena de ser desalojados con violencia; logramos organizarnos y en marcha nos dirigimos hacia el Hemiciclo a Juárez donde un operativo de policía metropolitana nos cerró el paso, sin embargo mediante un dialogo cordial con el Gobierno de la Ciudad acordamos instalar el Plantón en la Plaza Santo Domingo en las inmediaciones de la Secretaria de Educación Pública.
Hoy nuevamente en su necia soberbia el lacayo fiel de Peña Nieto; el sargento Nuño, al amparo de la oscuridad, a amedrentado a los plantonistas y los ha secuestrado subiéndolos a camiones particulares fuertemente resguardados por policía federal y llevados a un destino incierto.
Al filo de las tres de la mañana habían llevado a lugares desconocidos a los compañeros de Chiapas y Guerrero. Quedando pendientes de secuestrar a los compañeros de Oaxaca y Michoacán.
Responsabilizamos al Gobierno Federal a Enrique Peña Nieto de la Seguridad de al menos 3000 plantonistas de varias entidades. No aceptamos de ninguna manera el trato de delincuentes que se nos da ante la incapacidad de la Autoridad de atender a las demandas expresadas en un pliego entregado a la SEGOB, el 1º de mayo de 2015.
Seguimos demandando un dialogo abierto, publico, de cara a la sociedad sobre una verdadera reforma educativa, que integre todos los componentes del Sistema Educativo Nacional.
Exigimos la libertad inmediata de los compañeros secuestrados y subidos a autobuses resguardados por la Policía Federal. Repudiamos el trato que se nos da y exigimos la instalación inmediata de una mesa de trabajo con la SEGOB.
No renunciaremos a nuestra lucha justa, la cual hemos dado en el terreno de lo civil y pacífico.
Convocamos a la sociedad y a las organizaciones a alzar la voz contra esta nueva injusticia del Gobierno federal.
¡LA REFORMA CON SANGRE Y SECUESTROS NO ENTRA!
NOS FALTAN 43
UNIDOS Y ORGANIZADOS VENCEREMOS
COORDINADORA NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES DE LA EDUCACION
ARTICULO RELACIONADO:
BRUTAL REPRESION DEL GOBIERNO MEXICANO A LOS MAESTROS
Ante su falta de argumentos para dar la atención debida al magisterio inconforme con la Ley Educativa, puesto que no han logrado demostrar a lo largo de tres años donde están las “bondades” y “beneficios de una reforma totalmente injusta; ahora el único argumento que les quedo fue la amenaza y la coacción.
El 15 de mayo que inicio la presente etapa de la Jornada, nuevamente nos apersonamos en la SEGOB, para manifestar nuestra demanda de atención, la cual fue negada por funcionarios tras las vallas metálicas, lo cual nos obligó a instalar un primer campamento en la calle de Bucareli, después de cuatro días y ante el fracaso de la evaluación en Michoacán; el Gobierno Federal hace un primer intento de que abandonemos la Ciudad de México, con amenazas de golpear y detener a compañeros nos emplazan cerca de las tres de la mañana a abandonar el plantón so pena de ser desalojados con violencia; logramos organizarnos y en marcha nos dirigimos hacia el Hemiciclo a Juárez donde un operativo de policía metropolitana nos cerró el paso, sin embargo mediante un dialogo cordial con el Gobierno de la Ciudad acordamos instalar el Plantón en la Plaza Santo Domingo en las inmediaciones de la Secretaria de Educación Pública.
Hoy nuevamente en su necia soberbia el lacayo fiel de Peña Nieto; el sargento Nuño, al amparo de la oscuridad, a amedrentado a los plantonistas y los ha secuestrado subiéndolos a camiones particulares fuertemente resguardados por policía federal y llevados a un destino incierto.
Al filo de las tres de la mañana habían llevado a lugares desconocidos a los compañeros de Chiapas y Guerrero. Quedando pendientes de secuestrar a los compañeros de Oaxaca y Michoacán.
Responsabilizamos al Gobierno Federal a Enrique Peña Nieto de la Seguridad de al menos 3000 plantonistas de varias entidades. No aceptamos de ninguna manera el trato de delincuentes que se nos da ante la incapacidad de la Autoridad de atender a las demandas expresadas en un pliego entregado a la SEGOB, el 1º de mayo de 2015.
Seguimos demandando un dialogo abierto, publico, de cara a la sociedad sobre una verdadera reforma educativa, que integre todos los componentes del Sistema Educativo Nacional.
Exigimos la libertad inmediata de los compañeros secuestrados y subidos a autobuses resguardados por la Policía Federal. Repudiamos el trato que se nos da y exigimos la instalación inmediata de una mesa de trabajo con la SEGOB.
No renunciaremos a nuestra lucha justa, la cual hemos dado en el terreno de lo civil y pacífico.
Convocamos a la sociedad y a las organizaciones a alzar la voz contra esta nueva injusticia del Gobierno federal.
¡LA REFORMA CON SANGRE Y SECUESTROS NO ENTRA!
NOS FALTAN 43
UNIDOS Y ORGANIZADOS VENCEREMOS
COORDINADORA NACIONAL DE TRABAJADORES DE LA EDUCACION
ARTICULO RELACIONADO:
BRUTAL REPRESION DEL GOBIERNO MEXICANO A LOS MAESTROS
Peña Nieto Turns Pemex into Ponzi Scheme
to Rip Off Mexico
TeleSUR - March 12, 2016
Mexico's state-owned oil company Pemex has been ransacked by President Enrique Peña Nieto, other government officials, and the country's oligarchy, and now that it’s bankrupt they have turned it into a Ponzi scheme, prominent economist, researcher, analyst and author James Cypher told teleSUR.
“The Mexican State was levitated by rivers of gold received through the high levels of oil profits but this gold was used so that the oligarchy and their buddies could evade taxes ... almost,” Cypher said. “Public treasury was emptied out years ago — apart from the oil revenues, So, although Pemex has been a huge business, authorities were forced to seek loans everywhere to the oil company afloat.”
Currently, Pemex owes so much money and has been granted so many loans that it struggles to obtain credits, he said, adding that on Thursday the company sold bonds worth over US$250 million, increasing their debt in order to pay off loans.
“In other words, Pemex financing has become a Ponzi scheme,” said Cypher.
The Mexican State has always been in charge and barks out all the orders regarding all issues related to the country, but their achievements or profits always end up in the pockets of government officials.
“The State is an instrument used only for the benefit of the Mexican oligarchy first, and then for U.S. businesspeople and a few more — for example Canadians matter plenty in the mining sector,” Cypher explained.
The U.S. expert and analyst, who currently works for the Autonomous University of Zacatecas, said that contrary to what teleSUR's article on Pemex says regarding partial privatization of Pemex, Peña Nieto's intentions are to completely sell off the company to private enterprises.
The Mexican president’s plans for Pemex contemplate that the company continue operating but it will only carry out support activities that are not profitable.
“We have not had time to analyze how far Pemex will be stripped down but undoubtedly all profitable areas of the company will be taken over by the Mexican oligarchy first, and the rest to the giant oil companies from Houston, Texas,” he noted.
Cypher went on to say that it is almost certain that Hillary Clinton and her advisors participated in one way or another in creating the policies for privatization Peña Nieto has been pushing forward since he took office in 2013.
The renowned economist agreed with leftist Mexican party Morena saying, “Of course! The current Mexican government is going to take their usual share.”
“The Mexican State was levitated by rivers of gold received through the high levels of oil profits but this gold was used so that the oligarchy and their buddies could evade taxes ... almost,” Cypher said. “Public treasury was emptied out years ago — apart from the oil revenues, So, although Pemex has been a huge business, authorities were forced to seek loans everywhere to the oil company afloat.”
Currently, Pemex owes so much money and has been granted so many loans that it struggles to obtain credits, he said, adding that on Thursday the company sold bonds worth over US$250 million, increasing their debt in order to pay off loans.
“In other words, Pemex financing has become a Ponzi scheme,” said Cypher.
The Mexican State has always been in charge and barks out all the orders regarding all issues related to the country, but their achievements or profits always end up in the pockets of government officials.
“The State is an instrument used only for the benefit of the Mexican oligarchy first, and then for U.S. businesspeople and a few more — for example Canadians matter plenty in the mining sector,” Cypher explained.
The U.S. expert and analyst, who currently works for the Autonomous University of Zacatecas, said that contrary to what teleSUR's article on Pemex says regarding partial privatization of Pemex, Peña Nieto's intentions are to completely sell off the company to private enterprises.
The Mexican president’s plans for Pemex contemplate that the company continue operating but it will only carry out support activities that are not profitable.
“We have not had time to analyze how far Pemex will be stripped down but undoubtedly all profitable areas of the company will be taken over by the Mexican oligarchy first, and the rest to the giant oil companies from Houston, Texas,” he noted.
Cypher went on to say that it is almost certain that Hillary Clinton and her advisors participated in one way or another in creating the policies for privatization Peña Nieto has been pushing forward since he took office in 2013.
The renowned economist agreed with leftist Mexican party Morena saying, “Of course! The current Mexican government is going to take their usual share.”
PRESENTACIÓN DE LA NOVELA SOCIAL, FAMILIAR, ILUSTRADA: “EL COLOR DE LA CALLE”, EN LA ESCUELA NORMAL RURAL DE AYOTZINAPA, GUERRERO, MÉXICO
Benjamín Santamaría Ochoa, "El Rey Mono"
México D.F., 22 de Febrero de 2016
Una mañana fría de Febrero, estoy esperando el transporte que me lleve a la Escuela Normal “Isidro Burgos”, en Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, al sur de México.
43 de sus estudiantes fueron atacados por la policía federal, municipal y supuestamente entregados a grupos del crimen organizado, como los “Guerreros Unidos”. 3 de ellos fueron asesinados en la reyerta en Iguala, donde fueron interceptados, y los restantes 43 permanecen desaparecidos.
La versión oficial, pomposamente anunciada como “la verdad histórica”, del gobierno federal, recientemente se vino abajo con los últimos hallazgos, estudios y el documento final de los expertos argentinos de la Corte Interamericana de los Derechos HUmanos, el mismo día que me traslado a Ayotizinapa a presentar mi novela EL COLOR DE LA CALLE, que narra la historia No oficial de nuestro continente. Desde la Tierra del Fuego en el sur, hasta Canada.
Narra las atrocidades de una ideología, que se convierte en sistema, y que ha oprimido y devastado nuestras tierras y culturas. Se llamaba Colonialismo, ahora se llama Capitalismo, Neoliberalismo. Y propone, con evidencias, las transformaciones posibles que, a brazo partido, avanzan, desde el sur con nuevos gobiernos progresistas, campesinos, indígenas, populares y de izquierda.
Después de una parada en el campamento que mantienen, en apoyo a los familiares de los 43 jóvenes “desaparecidos”, los compañeros y compañeras del Frente popular Francisco Villa siglo XXI, en Iguala, nos dirigimos a la escuela normal rural y llegamos, poco después de haber iniciado la Asamblea Nacional Popular.
El ambiente de debate y de propuestas es lúcido, intenso, airado y respetuoso. Hay más coincidencias que divergencias entre los diversos grupos sociales que allí confluyen. La consigna final, como concluimos en el Primer Encuentro Nacional por la Indignación, en días pasados, se ratifica: “NI una lucha más, aislada”. Todos los movimientos apoyando todas las luchas.
Me presenta el compañero Maganda, coordinador del comité estudiantil de la escuela normal rural, y tomo la palabra sumarizando, brevemente el contenido de la novela y sus intenciones.
Al final, los comentarios coincidentes, y la firma de libros, se da en un ambiente de solidaridad y esperanza.
La novela da cuenta de incontables luchas de resistencia, y retoma infinidades de movimientos y ejemplos vivos de estas luchas, desconocidas en las grandes pantallas y los medios oficiales de desinformación.
Se agradece la participación de un servidor, y se reconoce que la novela es un instrumento de información imprescindible, un recordatorio histórico, una colección de evidencias históricas de lo que representa verdaderamente el capitalismo y sus crímenes y un material educativo invaluable para nuestras familias, profesorado, alumnos y alumnas, tanto como para los líderes y compañeros y compañeras de movimientos sociales progresistas.
Cae al tarde. El aroma a leña quemada nos perfuma. Las charlas, los pasillos, las aulas, los baños y los patios de la normal, en medio de un paisaje semi selvático y polvoso, nos hace recordar que cada uno de esos rostros de los jóvenes “desaparecidos”, en las mantas, en los mesabancos de la cancha, con sus veladoras, flores y el símbolo de la tortuga (de la escuela), son nuestros hijos. Hijos de la revolución simple, pacífica, de propuestas más que de protestas, de acciones conjuntas más de de marchas. Desde adentro hacia afuera, como lo propone la novella.
Subimos al autobús, y despúes de un tortuoso y largo viaje de regreso, por la alteración del tráfico debido a la visita del Papa Francisco, quien no tuvo el valor de enfrentar a los padres de los jóvenes de Ayotzinapa, quien fue burlado, manipulado e impedido, con un espectáculo montado por Televisa y sus engendros, llegamos sabiendo que nuestra lucha es nuestra y en cada uno. Desde mi corazón y mi mente iluminados hacia mi pareja, familia y vecinos. Hacia mi comunidad y los pueblos. Desde adentro, como vivían nuestros ancestros.
Mexico’s Human Rights Crisis and Canada’s Silence
By Asad Ismi
Published in the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives Monitor, September/October 2015
The 21st anniversary of NAFTA in September finds Mexico in the throes of a shocking human rights crisis that, since 2006, has seen more than 150,000 people killed and more than 27,000 disappeared. According to Amnesty International, torture in Mexico is “out of control,” and police and security forces have “blood on their hands.”
Canada, which prides itself on its global human rights record, has yet to make a single public statement about the Mexican crisis. Meanwhile the Mexican government is stonewalling efforts to get to the bottom of what Human Rights Watch has called “the worst case of abuse to take place in Latin America in the past few decades.”
Read More Here, go to page 52 ....
Why Isn’t Mexico Protecting its Journalists
Lizabeth Paulat August 7, 2015
An uproar is sweeping across Mexico after photojournalist Ruben Espinosa was found murdered in an apartment in Mexico City. Found along with four women, Espinosa had been shot with a 9mm, and his body showed signs of torture. Espinosa had fled to Mexico City from his home state of Veracruz after saying he was being harassed and feared for his life.
Although the police have said they have a suspect in custody, many in the public simply don’t buy it. They think the government is behind these murders and that it’s time for them to be held accountable.
Read more here...
Although the police have said they have a suspect in custody, many in the public simply don’t buy it. They think the government is behind these murders and that it’s time for them to be held accountable.
Read more here...
Ayotzinapa: Mexico's Missing 43
Help produce a photo zine about how the disappearance of 43 students has impacted their community.
Read more about Emily Pederson's Project here!
Read more about Emily Pederson's Project here!