Call-out for participation in Canadian
delegation
Canadian oil company Pacific Rubiales Energy to be tried by the People’s Tribunal on the Extractive Industry in Colombia
We wish to invite you to take part in organising a Canadian delegation that will attend the People’s
Tribunal on the Extractive Industry in Colombia. The delegation will accompany USO, the Colombian oil industry workers’ union as well as members of the Colombia Friendship and Solidarity Network (Redher); two organisations that have led the struggle against human rights abuses committed by Pacific Rubiales Energy, a
Canadian multinational, in the oil fields of the Meta department. The People’s Tribunal on the Extractive
Industry in Colombia is an opinion tribunal that will hear cases against Both multinational companies and the government policies that are fuelling extractive industries in Colombia. A more detailed description of the
Tribunal is available in the Annex.
Given the alarming culture of impunity that prevails in Colombia, it is extremely important that Canadian opinion leaders take part in the Tribunal in order to provide visibility for the event as well as protection for the organisers and the witnesses who will be taking the stand.
Conflict in Colombia and Canadian investment
Having signed the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA) in 2011, the Canadian government committed itself to promoting human rights in Colombia. A civil war has been unfolding in the country for over 50 years and Colombia is recognised as one of the most dangerous places in the world for human rights defenders. Data from the SIADDHH, a Colombian watchdog group that keeps track of human rights violations, shows that attacks on human rights defenders have gone up by 49% in the past year. A total of 69 human rights defenders were murdered in 2012, the highest number of such murders in a decade1. Of particular concern for Canadians is that the preliminary conclusions of the Alternative Report on the Impacts of the Colombia-Canada Free Trade Agreement indicate that Canadian foreign direct investment has contributed to this
deteriorating situation. Toronto-based Pacific Rubiales Energy is one such example.
Pacific Rubiales employs approximately 14,000 workers in the Puerto Gaítan and Campo Rubiales regions of the Meta department. Since 2010, the unfolding conflict between the company, its workers, and the local population has resulted in numerous labour and human rights violations. The company is accused of union-busting, harsh
working conditions, illegal hiring practices, and low wages in contravention of both Colombian labour law and international standards set by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
In addition, the company is accused of orchestrating attacks against unionized workers, including slander, death threats, murder, and attempted murder. Furthermore, the company also finds itself at odds with local indigenous communities and small farmers who are defending their land from encroachment and environmental destruction.
Pacific Rubiales in the court of public opinion
Inspired by the Permanent People’s Tribunal initiative, popular in the early 2000s, the People’s Tribunal on the Extractive Industry in Colombia has two main objectives. First, the Tribunal aims to open a political space where social movements can publicly expose:
1 El efecto placebo, Informe Anual 2012, Sistema de Informacion sobre Agresiones contra Defensoras y
Defensores de Derechos Humanos en Colombia, SIADDHH, Programa Somos Defensores, Bogota, 2013.
2 The Permantent People’s Tribunal (PPT) is an international opinion tribunal founded
in Bologna, Italy, in June 1979. The PPT is independent from State authorities and examines and provides judgements relative to violations of human rights and rights of peoples.
the impacts of large-scale mining and energy projects, including impacts on labour, social, environmental, indigenous, and human rights. Second, the Tribunal aims to build a body of evidence, including reports and testimonies from victims and experts alike, that will feed into future political and legal action against the rights
violations being committed by multinational companies in Colombia.
The Tribunal’s final session will take place in Bogotá from August 3-5, 2013. The Tribunal will hear cases against mining, oil, and hydroelectric energy projects, while the Pacific Rubiales conflict will be presented as a case study of the oil sector in general. During the preliminary hearings, which will take place on July 13, 2013, an
audience of over one hundred experts, researchers, jurists, human rights defenders, journalists, affected community members, union leaders, and workers will hear the full details of the accusations against Pacific Rubiales. Representatives of the company are also invited to answer to the various charges and
testimonies.
Relevance to the Canadian public
The charges that will be laid against Pacific Rubiales at the hearing are of particular importance to Canadians not only because the company itself is Canadian, but also because the Canadian government is a big backer of Colombia’s oil sector. Canada thus also helps to fuel the ongoing social, labour and environmental
conflicts in the region. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), soon to be folded into the
Department of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Development (DFAITD), helped rewrite Colombia’s investment laws such that foreign direct investment in the extractive sector grew five-fold between 2002 and 2009. Pacific Rubiales is prominently featured in public debate in Colombia, which has led to the company’s decision to sue certain journalists, thus muzzling public criticism of the company’s rights violations and
disproportionate economic power. Pacific Rubiales’ public relations strategy (including its advertising slogan “Pacific is Colombia”) aims to whitewash its reputation as it prepares to increase its holdings in Colombia. Investments in new projects in the Campo Rubiales oil fields are being planned for 2015 while the company’s state-issued exploitation license will also be up for re-negotiation that same year.
Why it’s important to take part in the public hearing against Pacific Rubiales
Putting together a high-profile delegation to attend the hearing will help:
1. Expose the asymmetrical enforcement of national and international law with respect to multinational companies and local communities;
2. Ensure Canadian and international public attention is drawn to the Tribunal at a time when most media and political attention is focused on the peace negotiations between the government and the FARC-EP, thus highlighting the seriousness of the situation;
3. Counter the misleading public relations campaigns that highlight multinationals “corporate social responsibility” projects;
4. Guarantee the safety of the organisers and witnesses who will publicly testify against these companies;
5. Increase the Canadian public’s awareness of the social and environmental conflicts caused by Canadian multinational companies such as Pacific Rubiales;
6. Expose the case of Pacific Rubiales and thus feed into ongoing public
campaigns in Canada and around the world that seek to regulate the activities of
multinational companies and pressure them into living up to their social
obligations.
For more information contact PASC : [email protected] 514 966 8421
We wish to invite you to take part in organising a Canadian delegation that will attend the People’s
Tribunal on the Extractive Industry in Colombia. The delegation will accompany USO, the Colombian oil industry workers’ union as well as members of the Colombia Friendship and Solidarity Network (Redher); two organisations that have led the struggle against human rights abuses committed by Pacific Rubiales Energy, a
Canadian multinational, in the oil fields of the Meta department. The People’s Tribunal on the Extractive
Industry in Colombia is an opinion tribunal that will hear cases against Both multinational companies and the government policies that are fuelling extractive industries in Colombia. A more detailed description of the
Tribunal is available in the Annex.
Given the alarming culture of impunity that prevails in Colombia, it is extremely important that Canadian opinion leaders take part in the Tribunal in order to provide visibility for the event as well as protection for the organisers and the witnesses who will be taking the stand.
Conflict in Colombia and Canadian investment
Having signed the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCFTA) in 2011, the Canadian government committed itself to promoting human rights in Colombia. A civil war has been unfolding in the country for over 50 years and Colombia is recognised as one of the most dangerous places in the world for human rights defenders. Data from the SIADDHH, a Colombian watchdog group that keeps track of human rights violations, shows that attacks on human rights defenders have gone up by 49% in the past year. A total of 69 human rights defenders were murdered in 2012, the highest number of such murders in a decade1. Of particular concern for Canadians is that the preliminary conclusions of the Alternative Report on the Impacts of the Colombia-Canada Free Trade Agreement indicate that Canadian foreign direct investment has contributed to this
deteriorating situation. Toronto-based Pacific Rubiales Energy is one such example.
Pacific Rubiales employs approximately 14,000 workers in the Puerto Gaítan and Campo Rubiales regions of the Meta department. Since 2010, the unfolding conflict between the company, its workers, and the local population has resulted in numerous labour and human rights violations. The company is accused of union-busting, harsh
working conditions, illegal hiring practices, and low wages in contravention of both Colombian labour law and international standards set by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
In addition, the company is accused of orchestrating attacks against unionized workers, including slander, death threats, murder, and attempted murder. Furthermore, the company also finds itself at odds with local indigenous communities and small farmers who are defending their land from encroachment and environmental destruction.
Pacific Rubiales in the court of public opinion
Inspired by the Permanent People’s Tribunal initiative, popular in the early 2000s, the People’s Tribunal on the Extractive Industry in Colombia has two main objectives. First, the Tribunal aims to open a political space where social movements can publicly expose:
1 El efecto placebo, Informe Anual 2012, Sistema de Informacion sobre Agresiones contra Defensoras y
Defensores de Derechos Humanos en Colombia, SIADDHH, Programa Somos Defensores, Bogota, 2013.
2 The Permantent People’s Tribunal (PPT) is an international opinion tribunal founded
in Bologna, Italy, in June 1979. The PPT is independent from State authorities and examines and provides judgements relative to violations of human rights and rights of peoples.
the impacts of large-scale mining and energy projects, including impacts on labour, social, environmental, indigenous, and human rights. Second, the Tribunal aims to build a body of evidence, including reports and testimonies from victims and experts alike, that will feed into future political and legal action against the rights
violations being committed by multinational companies in Colombia.
The Tribunal’s final session will take place in Bogotá from August 3-5, 2013. The Tribunal will hear cases against mining, oil, and hydroelectric energy projects, while the Pacific Rubiales conflict will be presented as a case study of the oil sector in general. During the preliminary hearings, which will take place on July 13, 2013, an
audience of over one hundred experts, researchers, jurists, human rights defenders, journalists, affected community members, union leaders, and workers will hear the full details of the accusations against Pacific Rubiales. Representatives of the company are also invited to answer to the various charges and
testimonies.
Relevance to the Canadian public
The charges that will be laid against Pacific Rubiales at the hearing are of particular importance to Canadians not only because the company itself is Canadian, but also because the Canadian government is a big backer of Colombia’s oil sector. Canada thus also helps to fuel the ongoing social, labour and environmental
conflicts in the region. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), soon to be folded into the
Department of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Development (DFAITD), helped rewrite Colombia’s investment laws such that foreign direct investment in the extractive sector grew five-fold between 2002 and 2009. Pacific Rubiales is prominently featured in public debate in Colombia, which has led to the company’s decision to sue certain journalists, thus muzzling public criticism of the company’s rights violations and
disproportionate economic power. Pacific Rubiales’ public relations strategy (including its advertising slogan “Pacific is Colombia”) aims to whitewash its reputation as it prepares to increase its holdings in Colombia. Investments in new projects in the Campo Rubiales oil fields are being planned for 2015 while the company’s state-issued exploitation license will also be up for re-negotiation that same year.
Why it’s important to take part in the public hearing against Pacific Rubiales
Putting together a high-profile delegation to attend the hearing will help:
1. Expose the asymmetrical enforcement of national and international law with respect to multinational companies and local communities;
2. Ensure Canadian and international public attention is drawn to the Tribunal at a time when most media and political attention is focused on the peace negotiations between the government and the FARC-EP, thus highlighting the seriousness of the situation;
3. Counter the misleading public relations campaigns that highlight multinationals “corporate social responsibility” projects;
4. Guarantee the safety of the organisers and witnesses who will publicly testify against these companies;
5. Increase the Canadian public’s awareness of the social and environmental conflicts caused by Canadian multinational companies such as Pacific Rubiales;
6. Expose the case of Pacific Rubiales and thus feed into ongoing public
campaigns in Canada and around the world that seek to regulate the activities of
multinational companies and pressure them into living up to their social
obligations.
For more information contact PASC : [email protected] 514 966 8421
The Colombia Action Solidarity Alliance (CASA) and LACSN are sending a delegation to Colombia this month for the People's Tribunal against Colombia’s extractive industry policies. We’ll be providing you with periodic updates on their findings. In the meantime we’d like to share this article about the Canadian government’s policies and their failure to take Human Rights seriously in Colombia.
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Canada-Colombia FTA Human Rights Report Fails to Take
Human Rights Seriously
For the second year in a row, the Conservative government has failed to live up to its moral obligation to analyze the impact of the Canada-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CCOFTA) on human rights. The reporting obligation, embedded as a side agreement in the FTA, was hailed by the Liberals as a “new gold standard” for human rights reporting in free trade agreements and touted by the Conservative government as a meaningful way to address human rights accountability in trade. Civil society, labour and human rights organizations feared that it was merely unenforceable window dressing.
Last year’s report, referred to by many as a“non-report”, promised that a real study would come in 2013. It would “provide an analysis of any noticeable changes in trade and in human rights situation in the most active economic sectors stemming from the agreement” and some basic “baseline information”about human rights and trade in Colombia. Released mid-June, this year’s report falls way short of the promised gold standard and confirms suspicions that the reporting obligation was mere window dressing. It speaks almost exclusively of macroeconomics and trade flows, and -- most alarmingly -- limits its scope to actions taken by the Canadian government under the FTA’s Implementation Act. Clearly absent from the report is any data or analysis
around changes in the human rights situation or the impacts of Canadian investment on human rights in Colombia, rendering the report virtually irrelevant.
One could be forgiven for thinking the government is aware of the human rights issues in Colombia and trying to evade public and media scrutiny on the issue: Rather than publically announcing the release of the report as a good news story for trade and human rights, it surreptitiously tabled it through the back door just before Parliament rose for the summer.
The report outlines a consultation process with stakeholders that is indicative of a deeper issue with the Harper government: contempt for genuine broad-based popular consultation. This is evidenced by its“public call for
submissions” for civil society. An unpublicized posting on DFAIT’s website gave participants just over a week to provide input into this important debate. Not surprisingly, no submissions were received. The government went through the motions of a consultation process, but clearly did not provide a meaningful or genuine opportunity for input.
Canadians should be outraged at the government’s lackadaisical report and its disingenuous attempt at public consultation on the serious human rights situation impacting Colombians. They should also question the waste of taxpayer dollars on a process that included expensive Ministerial travel with outcomes as trivial as “designating formal contact points” but did not actually meet its goal of examining how free trade is impacting human rights in Colombia.
Considering the alarming prevalence of human rights abuses, violence, intimidation and assassination in Colombia, the Conservative government has missed an important window of opportunity to hold the Colombian government accountable for the deplorable human rights situation there. It has shown, once again, that corporate rights dominate our government’s agenda, at the expense of human rights and labour concerns.
According to a recent article published in Embassy magazine, “more than one third of Colombia’s Indigenous peoples are threatened with extermination, according to the country's highest court -- a crisis fueled by the violent imposition of megaprojects on indigenous territories. And in 2012, over 280 Colombian trade unionists received death threats and 20 were killed – making it one of the world’s most dangerous places for unionists”.
Last month, two Colombian union leaders from the Colombian Oil Industry (USO) toured various cities in Canada to denounce violations by Canadian oil company Pacific Rubiales Energy. Their final statement denounced the “failure of the governments of Canada and Colombia to comply with labour and environmental agreements and respect human rights, in spite of commitments being ratified by both governments under the CCOFTA”.
The report does highlight one notable piece of information, which contradicts a key narrative of the government’s Americas’policy. This narrative often used to counter opponents of free trade agreements with troubled countries like Colombia and Honduras, claims that increased mutual prosperity leads to economic development -- which in turn improves human rights. However, the report fails to prove this connection, stating instead that “there is no evidence of a causal link between the reductions in tariffs by Canada in accordance with the CCOFTA and changes in human rights in Colombia”.
The report makes it clear that the Canadian government is not walking the talk when it comes to human rights. Its failure to undertake a genuine Human Rights Impact Assessment not only makes a mockery of the principles behind the reporting obligation but also demonstrates the government’s lack of regard for human rights. This report further undermines Canada’s credibility in Latin America and across the globe.
Raul Burbano is the Program Director at Common Frontiers
Last year’s report, referred to by many as a“non-report”, promised that a real study would come in 2013. It would “provide an analysis of any noticeable changes in trade and in human rights situation in the most active economic sectors stemming from the agreement” and some basic “baseline information”about human rights and trade in Colombia. Released mid-June, this year’s report falls way short of the promised gold standard and confirms suspicions that the reporting obligation was mere window dressing. It speaks almost exclusively of macroeconomics and trade flows, and -- most alarmingly -- limits its scope to actions taken by the Canadian government under the FTA’s Implementation Act. Clearly absent from the report is any data or analysis
around changes in the human rights situation or the impacts of Canadian investment on human rights in Colombia, rendering the report virtually irrelevant.
One could be forgiven for thinking the government is aware of the human rights issues in Colombia and trying to evade public and media scrutiny on the issue: Rather than publically announcing the release of the report as a good news story for trade and human rights, it surreptitiously tabled it through the back door just before Parliament rose for the summer.
The report outlines a consultation process with stakeholders that is indicative of a deeper issue with the Harper government: contempt for genuine broad-based popular consultation. This is evidenced by its“public call for
submissions” for civil society. An unpublicized posting on DFAIT’s website gave participants just over a week to provide input into this important debate. Not surprisingly, no submissions were received. The government went through the motions of a consultation process, but clearly did not provide a meaningful or genuine opportunity for input.
Canadians should be outraged at the government’s lackadaisical report and its disingenuous attempt at public consultation on the serious human rights situation impacting Colombians. They should also question the waste of taxpayer dollars on a process that included expensive Ministerial travel with outcomes as trivial as “designating formal contact points” but did not actually meet its goal of examining how free trade is impacting human rights in Colombia.
Considering the alarming prevalence of human rights abuses, violence, intimidation and assassination in Colombia, the Conservative government has missed an important window of opportunity to hold the Colombian government accountable for the deplorable human rights situation there. It has shown, once again, that corporate rights dominate our government’s agenda, at the expense of human rights and labour concerns.
According to a recent article published in Embassy magazine, “more than one third of Colombia’s Indigenous peoples are threatened with extermination, according to the country's highest court -- a crisis fueled by the violent imposition of megaprojects on indigenous territories. And in 2012, over 280 Colombian trade unionists received death threats and 20 were killed – making it one of the world’s most dangerous places for unionists”.
Last month, two Colombian union leaders from the Colombian Oil Industry (USO) toured various cities in Canada to denounce violations by Canadian oil company Pacific Rubiales Energy. Their final statement denounced the “failure of the governments of Canada and Colombia to comply with labour and environmental agreements and respect human rights, in spite of commitments being ratified by both governments under the CCOFTA”.
The report does highlight one notable piece of information, which contradicts a key narrative of the government’s Americas’policy. This narrative often used to counter opponents of free trade agreements with troubled countries like Colombia and Honduras, claims that increased mutual prosperity leads to economic development -- which in turn improves human rights. However, the report fails to prove this connection, stating instead that “there is no evidence of a causal link between the reductions in tariffs by Canada in accordance with the CCOFTA and changes in human rights in Colombia”.
The report makes it clear that the Canadian government is not walking the talk when it comes to human rights. Its failure to undertake a genuine Human Rights Impact Assessment not only makes a mockery of the principles behind the reporting obligation but also demonstrates the government’s lack of regard for human rights. This report further undermines Canada’s credibility in Latin America and across the globe.
Raul Burbano is the Program Director at Common Frontiers
Los Conservadores no toman en serio los Derechos Humanos en el Tratado Canadá-Colombia
Por segundo año consecutivo, el gobierno Conservador ha fallado en cumplir con su obligación moral de analizar el impacto del Acuerdo de Promocion Comercial entre la Republica de Colombia y Canada en materia de los derechos humanos. La obligación de informar, incluida como un acuerdo paralelo en el TLC, fué aclamada por los liberales como un "nuevo estándar de oro" para los informes de derechos humanos en los acuerdos de libre comercio y anunciada por el gobierno conservador como una manera significativa para abordar la rendición de cuentas sobre los derechos humanos en el comercio. La sociedad civil y las organizaciones sindicales y de derechos humanos temen que esta sea simplemente una cortina de humo obligatoria.
El informe del año pasado, denominado por muchos como un "sin-informe", prometió que un verdadero estudio saldría en 2013. Este "proporcionaría un análisis de los cambios notables en el comercio y en la situación de derechos humanos en los sectores económicos más activos derivados del acuerdo" y algún "punto de referencia" básico acerca de los derechos humanos y el comercio en Colombia. Publicado a mediados de junio, el informe de este año está muy lejos del prometido estándar de oro y confirma las sospechas de que la obligación de informar era una cortina de humo. Este habla casi exclusivamente de la macroeconomía y de los flujos comerciales y - lo más alarmante - limita su ámbito de aplicación a las medidas adoptadas por el gobierno de Canadá bajo la Ley de Implementación del TLC. Claramente ausente del informe es cualquier dato o análisis en torno a los cambios en la situación de los derechos humanos o el impacto de la inversión canadiense en materia de derechos humanos en Colombia, lo que hace el informe prácticamente irrelevante.
Uno podría ser perdonado por pensar que el gobierno es consciente de los problemas de derechos humanos en Colombia y trata de evadir el escrutinio público y de los medios de comunicación sobre el tema: En lugar de anunciar públicamente el lanzamiento del informe como una buena noticia para el comercio y los derechos
humanos, este furtivamente se aprobó justo antes que los miembros del Parlamento se fueran por el verano.
El informe describe un proceso de consulta con los inversionistas lo cual es indicativo de un problema más profundo con el gobierno de Harper: El desprecio por una auténtica, amplia consulta popular de base. Prueba de ello es su "convocatoria pública para propuestas" de la sociedad civil. Un artículo no anunciado en la página web de DFAIT (Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade) dió a los participantes solamente una semana para que ofrecieran sus comentarios en este debate importante. Como era de esperarse, no se recibieron propuestas. El gobierno continuó con las actividades de un proceso de consulta, pero es evidente que no proporcionó una oportunidad real o significativa para la participación.
Los canadienses deberían estar indignados por el informe displicente del gobierno y su falso intento de consulta pública sobre la grave situación de los derechos humanos que afectan a los colombianos. También deberían cuestionar la pérdida de dinero de los contribuyentes en un proceso que incluyó costosos viajes ministeriales con resultados tan triviales como "designar puntos oficiales de contacto", pero no alcanzó efectivamente su objetivo de examinar cómo el libre comercio está afectando los derechos humanos en Colombia.
Teniendo en cuenta la alarmante prevalencia de los abusos de los derechos humanos, violencia, intimidación y asesinatos en Colombia, el gobierno Conservador ha perdido una importante oportunidad para hacer que el gobierno Colombiano sea responsable por la lamentable situación de los derechos humanos en ese país. Se
ha demostrado, una vez más, que los derechos corporativos dominan la agenda de nuestro gobierno a expensas de los derechos humanos y las cuestiones laborales.
De acuerdo con un reciente artículo publicado en la revista Embassy, "más de un tercio de los pueblos indígenas de Colombia están en peligro de exterminio, de acuerdo con la Corte Suprema de Justicia del país - una crisis alimentada por la violenta imposición de megaproyectos en territorios indígenas. Y en 2012, más de 280 sindicalistas Colombianos recibieron amenazas de muerte y 20 fueron asesinados – haciendo de este uno de los lugares más peligrosos del mundo para los sindicalistas".
El mes pasado, dos líderes sindicales colombianos de la Union Sindical Obrera de la Industria del Petróleo de Colombia (USO) recorrieron diversas ciudades de Canadá para denunciar violaciones de la compañía petrolera Canadiense Pacific Rubiales Energy. Su declaración final, denunció el "fracaso de los gobiernos de Canadá y Colombia al no cumplir con los acuerdos laborales y ambientales y respetar los derechos humanos, a pesar de los compromisos que fueron ratificados por ambos gobiernos en el marco del Acuerdo de Promocion Comercial entre la Republica de Colombia y Canada".
El informe resalta una pieza significativa de información, la cual contradice la descripción fundamental de la política de las Américas del Gobierno. Esta descripción frecuentemente utilizada para refutar opositores de los acuerdos de libre comercio con países con problemas como Colombia y Honduras, reclama que el aumento de la prosperidad mutua conduce al desarrollo económico – el cual a su vez mejora los derechos humanos. Sin embargo, el informe no demuestra esta conexión y a cambio manifiesta que "no hay evidencia de una relación causal entre las reducciones de los aranceles por parte de Canadá de acuerdo con el Acuerdo de Promocion Comercial entre la Republica de Colombia y Canada y los cambios en los derechos humanos en Colombia".
El informe deja claro que el gobierno Canadiense no está cumpliendo con su palabra cuando se trata de derechos humanos. Su fracaso para llevar a cabo una verdadera evaluación del impacto de Derechos Humanos no sólo es una burla a los principios detrás de la obligación de informar, sino que también demuestra la falta de respeto del gobierno por los derechos humanos. Este informe debilita aún más la credibilidad de Canadá en América Latina y el resto del mundo.
Raúl Burbano es el Director del Programa de Fronteras Comunes
El informe del año pasado, denominado por muchos como un "sin-informe", prometió que un verdadero estudio saldría en 2013. Este "proporcionaría un análisis de los cambios notables en el comercio y en la situación de derechos humanos en los sectores económicos más activos derivados del acuerdo" y algún "punto de referencia" básico acerca de los derechos humanos y el comercio en Colombia. Publicado a mediados de junio, el informe de este año está muy lejos del prometido estándar de oro y confirma las sospechas de que la obligación de informar era una cortina de humo. Este habla casi exclusivamente de la macroeconomía y de los flujos comerciales y - lo más alarmante - limita su ámbito de aplicación a las medidas adoptadas por el gobierno de Canadá bajo la Ley de Implementación del TLC. Claramente ausente del informe es cualquier dato o análisis en torno a los cambios en la situación de los derechos humanos o el impacto de la inversión canadiense en materia de derechos humanos en Colombia, lo que hace el informe prácticamente irrelevante.
Uno podría ser perdonado por pensar que el gobierno es consciente de los problemas de derechos humanos en Colombia y trata de evadir el escrutinio público y de los medios de comunicación sobre el tema: En lugar de anunciar públicamente el lanzamiento del informe como una buena noticia para el comercio y los derechos
humanos, este furtivamente se aprobó justo antes que los miembros del Parlamento se fueran por el verano.
El informe describe un proceso de consulta con los inversionistas lo cual es indicativo de un problema más profundo con el gobierno de Harper: El desprecio por una auténtica, amplia consulta popular de base. Prueba de ello es su "convocatoria pública para propuestas" de la sociedad civil. Un artículo no anunciado en la página web de DFAIT (Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade) dió a los participantes solamente una semana para que ofrecieran sus comentarios en este debate importante. Como era de esperarse, no se recibieron propuestas. El gobierno continuó con las actividades de un proceso de consulta, pero es evidente que no proporcionó una oportunidad real o significativa para la participación.
Los canadienses deberían estar indignados por el informe displicente del gobierno y su falso intento de consulta pública sobre la grave situación de los derechos humanos que afectan a los colombianos. También deberían cuestionar la pérdida de dinero de los contribuyentes en un proceso que incluyó costosos viajes ministeriales con resultados tan triviales como "designar puntos oficiales de contacto", pero no alcanzó efectivamente su objetivo de examinar cómo el libre comercio está afectando los derechos humanos en Colombia.
Teniendo en cuenta la alarmante prevalencia de los abusos de los derechos humanos, violencia, intimidación y asesinatos en Colombia, el gobierno Conservador ha perdido una importante oportunidad para hacer que el gobierno Colombiano sea responsable por la lamentable situación de los derechos humanos en ese país. Se
ha demostrado, una vez más, que los derechos corporativos dominan la agenda de nuestro gobierno a expensas de los derechos humanos y las cuestiones laborales.
De acuerdo con un reciente artículo publicado en la revista Embassy, "más de un tercio de los pueblos indígenas de Colombia están en peligro de exterminio, de acuerdo con la Corte Suprema de Justicia del país - una crisis alimentada por la violenta imposición de megaproyectos en territorios indígenas. Y en 2012, más de 280 sindicalistas Colombianos recibieron amenazas de muerte y 20 fueron asesinados – haciendo de este uno de los lugares más peligrosos del mundo para los sindicalistas".
El mes pasado, dos líderes sindicales colombianos de la Union Sindical Obrera de la Industria del Petróleo de Colombia (USO) recorrieron diversas ciudades de Canadá para denunciar violaciones de la compañía petrolera Canadiense Pacific Rubiales Energy. Su declaración final, denunció el "fracaso de los gobiernos de Canadá y Colombia al no cumplir con los acuerdos laborales y ambientales y respetar los derechos humanos, a pesar de los compromisos que fueron ratificados por ambos gobiernos en el marco del Acuerdo de Promocion Comercial entre la Republica de Colombia y Canada".
El informe resalta una pieza significativa de información, la cual contradice la descripción fundamental de la política de las Américas del Gobierno. Esta descripción frecuentemente utilizada para refutar opositores de los acuerdos de libre comercio con países con problemas como Colombia y Honduras, reclama que el aumento de la prosperidad mutua conduce al desarrollo económico – el cual a su vez mejora los derechos humanos. Sin embargo, el informe no demuestra esta conexión y a cambio manifiesta que "no hay evidencia de una relación causal entre las reducciones de los aranceles por parte de Canadá de acuerdo con el Acuerdo de Promocion Comercial entre la Republica de Colombia y Canada y los cambios en los derechos humanos en Colombia".
El informe deja claro que el gobierno Canadiense no está cumpliendo con su palabra cuando se trata de derechos humanos. Su fracaso para llevar a cabo una verdadera evaluación del impacto de Derechos Humanos no sólo es una burla a los principios detrás de la obligación de informar, sino que también demuestra la falta de respeto del gobierno por los derechos humanos. Este informe debilita aún más la credibilidad de Canadá en América Latina y el resto del mundo.
Raúl Burbano es el Director del Programa de Fronteras Comunes